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Over 50,000 turn out for
Tel Aviv peace rally

Organizers of the peace rally estimated the
number of participants at nearly 100,000.
Photo courtesy of Coalition of Women for Peace
May 12— More than 50,000 demonstrators
turned out in Tel Aviv for a massive peace rally and to demand
Israel withdraw from the Palestinian territories, Israeli police
said Saturday evening.
The organizer of the rally, the Peace Now group,
also claimed the protest was the biggest peace demonstration
since the outbreak of the Palestinian intifada in September
2000.
“This is the first time since the intifada that
we have had such a massive demonstration with people in clear
opposition to the government,” said Peace Now spokesman Arye
Arnon.
“This is radical. This turnout is on the basis
that one day we will return to the 1967 borders with Jerusalem
as the capital of two states and the elimination of the settlements,”
Arnon said.
“It is a very important message to the Israeli
government, the Arab world and the international community.
There is a peace camp in Israel and it is raising its voice,”
said the leader of the main opposition Meretz party, Yossi Sarid.
“From tonight, (Israeli Prime Minister Ariel)
Sharon can be assured there is no consensus for a military operation”
in Gaza, he added.
Peace Now spokeswoman Gali Golan put the number
of demonstrators at over 100,000. Speaking from the podium,
Sarid said there needed to be an “international mandate for
the (Palestinian) territories.”
“If Israel attacks Gaza, they will do it without
us,” he added.
Former justice minister and leading Labor dove
Yossi Beilin accused Sharon of leading the nation into a tragedy.
“We are told Sharon is a man of peace but it is
not true: he doesn’t want go to the negotiating table because
he has nothing to say,” he said. “Sharon is dragging us into
a catastrophe.”
The rally was organized by the Peace Now movement
and an umbrella group of nine organizations called the Peace
Coalition, under the theme of “Get out of the [Palestinian]
territories for the sake of Israel.”
Rabin Square is the site where Israeli prime minister
Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated by a Jewish extremist on Nov.
4, 1995.
More than 1,000 police were deployed in the area
to protect demonstrators from attacks by either Jewish extremists
or Palestinian militants, a senior police official said earlier
in the day.
Earlier Saturday, about 150 members of the Arab-Jewish
group Taayush (“coexistance” in Arabic) arrived at the Kissufim
crossing point between Israel and the Gaza Strip, in a fleet
of three buses calling on soldiers to return home.
Chanting “Soldiers Come Home,” and “End the Occupation,”
the protesters also referred to Defense Minister Binyamin Ben
Eliezer by his original name, calling out “Fuad, Fuad, how many
children have you killed this morning?”
Police blocked the group about 50 yards from the
checkpoint.
Source: Agence France Presse
Banking crisis in Argentina
By Vero Loka
Buenos Aires, Argentina, May 13 (AGR)—
In Argentina, the state is spending about 47 billion pesos per
year, but is only collecting about 32 billion. Many people don’t
pay taxes, and much money is misspent and embezzled. The banks
of Argentina are dependent on the interest that the state pays
on the money it borrowed.
In November it became obvious to many people
that the state would not be able to pay the banks, which would
lead to their bankruptcy. The banks warned their richest customers
of the coming crisis, and in response, these customers withdrew
their money and converted it to dollars.
The withdrawal of these funds and the government’s
default left the national banks with almost no cash on hand.
To keep the national banks from going bankrupt and stop the
foreign banks from completely taking over the economy, the government
of Fernando De la Rua created the “Corralito” (little fence),
a law which made it illegal to take out more than 200 pesos
in cash per week and which is still in place. The banks still
honor credit card accounts, leaving those with incomes greater
than 200 pesos per week with the possibility to spend it, but
most businesses only accept cards with a 10-30% surcharge, or
simply don’t accept them due to the difficulty in collecting
from the banks.
Although this law has saved the banks from immediate
collapse, the 200 pesos per week and the more than 20,000 individual
appeals that have passed on the law have reduced the total reserve
in half, to about 30 billion pesos, or 10 billion dollars. Most
of the appeals were passed for supposed medical emergencies.
Though many appeals are legitimate, many individuals have greased
the palms of judges to get their money.
The situation is a vicious circle.
First the government defaults its payments to
the banks because of corruption, misspending, and lack of tax
producing economic activity. Then the banks default on the loans
of the people because there is a rush to collect all these loans
at the same time.
This in turn causes a greater lack of economic
activity, as the banks cannot loan money for the purchase of
materials and payment of workers, leaving the government with
even less intake.
The government cannot preserve the guise of a
separate and independent Argentine economy if the national banks
collapse, so therefore cannot lift the restriction on withdrawals,
but without the insertion of more money into the economy, the
money will slowly disappear.
Interest on the national debt to the IMF is still
being paid, but nothing more. The representatives of the IMF
are demanding a complete political and legal restructuring,
including cutting public works to the bone. On the other hand,
there are protests and marches outside of every ministry and
the headquarters of every bank, demanding that the hospital
workers (for example) be paid the money that is owed to them
for the last 4 months of work.
At the beginning of the crisis, the peso was
fixed, by law, 1to 1 with the dollar. Now it is worth 30 cents.
The decision to devaluate the peso was taken by the current
president, Duhalde, with the explanation that it was necessary
in order to become competitive with exportation. In effect the
real beneficiaries of this move are the larger companies that
had debts to the national banks in dollars, and also foreign
speculators in that they can buy Argentine companies for a song.
In the case of the companies, their debts were
“pesified” to the tune of 1 dollar for 1.4 pesos, more or less
the current exchange at that time. The dollar has already reached
3 pesos and these companies are still paying their debts at
1.4.
With the plummet of the peso, the prices of everything
have risen -- even nationally produced goods. For example, Argentine
wheat producers have tripled the price of flour, because they
can make three times as many pesos by exporting than selling
domestically.
There are many computers, cars, CD players, all
those things that make the middle class neighborhoods look first
world, but the Argentine economy has always been colonial in
that the country sells resources and raw materials and buys
the finished products imported from more industrialized countries.
A terrible example of this is medical supplies which are not
produced here. Public health care exists, as difficult and bureaucratic
as it may be, but the state is not putting enough money toward
the hospitals to pay the employees and buy medical supplies.
Wages have not risen. Unemployment has. Hunger
has. Schools are in session less due to teacher strikes. Lack
of medical goods is killing people. Employees, of the state
and otherwise, have not been receiving their wages. The businesses
that sell by bulk have rised their prices of foodstuffs around
40% on the whole, while those who run the corner stores (from
which most people buy everything) only rose the prices 25%,
cutting their earnings, but still driving the people to buy
in the supermarkets and buy bulk from the distributors.
Another consequence of the fall of the peso is
that some people have become rich buying and selling dollars
at key moments. Almost every leftist or nationalist group has
condemned the buying of dollars because the greater the demand,
the higher the price.
Two Ministers of economy have left power since
the beginning of the economic crisis, Cavallo with an angry
mob lighting fires at his doorstep, and Remes Lenicov, who resigned
the day after presenting his “Plan Bonex”. Before explaining
the Plan Bonex, it must be said that in Argentina, although
the national currency is pesos, many people had their savings,
checking accounts, rent agreements, trust funds (trust funds
of the short haul, with high interest rates for say 60, 30,
180 days are common), mortgages and such, in dollars.
The gist of the plan Bonex, is that the state
would take on the bank’s debts to the people, trading the money
the bank owes them for a state issued bond redeemable in dollars
in three years (in the case of checking and savings accounts)
with 2% interest, or in 10 years (for trust funds) with 1.9%
annual interest. Though there have continually been protests
outside of the central bank and the Capital building, the protests
increased in size and fervor when this plan was presented.
The people in no way trusted that they would
ever see their money again. Duhalde, the president, closed the
banks after presenting this plan to congress, threatening that
they would not be opened until this plan was passed. Coincidentally,
the same day ScotiaBank from Canada had to close down because
their central office refused to send more money. Eventually,
this plan was completely abandoned, though there is still some
rumor of bond issuing.
Another abandoned plan was the actualization of
the CER (reference stabilization efficient), a plan to adjust
mortgages, rents, car payments, and such according to inflation.
It was very similar to a plan that was enacted by the last dictatorship
when Argentina suffered hyperinflation in1980. In that time,
it caused countless properties to fall into the hands of the
banks and lengthened the mortgages on many houses to infinity.
This plan didn’t interest the people or the banks, in that everyone
with a mortgage would lose their house, and the banks did not
want to become real estate brokers.
Now the only discernible plan is to cut public
spending and appease the IMF in the hopes that they infuse the
Argentine economy with more money. Very few people believe that
any of the money the IMF has loaned to the Argentine government
has ever reached the people in the form of public works or helped
create industry. It is expected of every politician, every functionary,
every employee of the government to steal as much as they possibly
can, and for the most part they fulfill this expectation.
Hopes fade for
East Timor justice
By Richard Galpin
Jakarta, Indonesia, May 13— As East Timor
readies for independence on May 20, most of those who wreaked
terrible violence after the 1999 vote to end Indonesian rule
still walk free.
The former Indonesian province of East Timor has
been under United Nations’ control since its people voted for
independence three years ago. But freedom came at a high price.
More than 1,000 people were killed, and almost
every town and village systematically destroyed, by retreating
Indonesian soldiers and their militias.
In a series of attacks across the city of Dili,
13 independence supporters were killed, nine people were seriously
injured and many buildings destroyed.
Top militia leader Eurico Guterres was seen with
the gunmen. Earlier that month he was also filmed in the town
of Liquica, just after the massacre of dozens of refugees who
had taken shelter inside a church.
An indictment, issued this year by a court in
East Timor, accused Guterres and members of the Indonesian security
forces of crimes against humanity for direct involvement in
the violence in Dili.
While a handful of people have been prosecuted
in East Timor, most of those responsible for the violence now
live in Indonesia, where there has been little progress made
in bringing them to justice.
Incriminating footage
Archive footage of Eurico Guterres shows him in
front of a large crowd of his men in April 1999 in the East
Timorese capital, Dili.
Today, Guterres lives in a comfortable suburb
of the Indonesian capital, Jakarta. He knows he will not be
extradited to East Timor to face trial. The Indonesian Government
has refused to hand anyone over. And he continues to deny responsibility
for the killings.
He could face trial in Jakarta at Indonesia’s
own human rights tribunal, finally set up by the government
in March after intense pressure from the international community.
Guterres and 17 other militiamen, government officials
and members of the security forces, have been charged with crimes
against humanity.
On Monday, Guterres answered questions from Indonesian
state prosecutors about his role in the violence.
But so far only seven of the accused have actually
appeared in court and there are increasing doubts as to whether
Guterres or any other senior figures, particularly from the
army, will ever be called to account.
Asmara Nababan, general-secretary of the National
Human Rights Commission, is skeptical.
“I’m not sure these tribunals can deliver justice.
The recruitment of the judges was not transparent, the indictments
are very weak, and all the key witnesses are in East Timor.
“Also, they are only investigating very few of
the violent incidents in 1999. It seems neither the judges,
nor the prosecution, intend to reveal the truth of what happened
-- although I think some middle-ranking officials will be sacrificed
to save the senior military and police commanders.”
The original investigation by the Human Rights
Commission into the violence in East Timor called for more than
100 people, including the former armed forces chief, General
Wiranto, to stand trial.
But that list was cut right down by state prosecutors
to remove the most senior military officers. Human rights lawyer
Johnson Panjaitan is also deeply skeptical about the whole process.
“From the beginning, the only purpose of these
tribunals was to meet the pressure from both inside the country
and from the international community. It is not to get justice
for the victims, it’s just lip service.
“The papers produced so far before the court
are not about the systematic violations of human rights, which
were well organized by the military,” said Panjaitan.
And certainly lawyers such as Hotma Sitompul,
who are defending those who have appeared in the tribunals,
are very confident their clients will not be prosecuted.
“So far there is no evidence, no witnesses, to
prove that he is guilty,” he said. He said he thought his clients
would be released.
In the immediate aftermath of the violence in
1999, there were calls for an international human rights tribunal
to be set up.
But with the Indonesian Government promising to
bring those responsible to justice, the United Nations backed
off.
Despite the lack of progress, it now seems the
idea of an international court has been shelved altogether.
Alex Flor, head of a German human rights organization
called Watch Indonesia, has been observing the tribunals in
Jakarta.
“The international community is very much interested
in reinstating good relationships to Indonesia, to the Indonesian
Government,” said Flor.
“And especially the United States -- who stopped
their arms exports due to the East Timor case -- they are very
keen to reinstate good relationship with the Indonesian army
in the context of... ‘the war against terror’ after Sept. 11.
“So they are no longer interested in putting the
Indonesian army into a corner,” he added.
So while a few mid-ranking military police and
civilian officials may eventually be prosecuted, it seems most
of those responsible for the bloodshed will remain free here
in Indonesia.
Source: BBC News
Europe’s far-right making gains
By Matthew Arnold
London, United Kingdom, May 14 (AGR)—
A rising tide of anti-immigrant racism has so far produced mixed
results for Europe’s proto-fascist right in this election season.
In the UK, the neo-Nazi British National Party
(BNP) has won three two-year terms to local council seats in
the depressed Northern town of Burnley, recently the scene of
race riots pitting poor whites against poor Pakistanis and Bangladeshis.
In France, Jean LePen’s Front Nationale (FN)
sent alarm bells ringing across the continent when the immigrant-bashing
ex-paratrooper and perennial candidate, benefiting from an unprecedented
showing and a fractious left vote split between several candidates,
beat liberal prime minister Lionel Jospin to qualify for the
run-off vote against conservative Jacques Chirac.
Hundreds of thousands spilled into the streets
in protest, and LePen was beat handily as the left jammed polling
booths to back Chirac. Worryingly, however, the FN won over
one-third of the vote in many coastal provinces and several
in the North.
In Holland, Pim Fortuyn, an urbane, openly-gay
right wing populist preaching openness on social issues while
calling for a halt to immigration by “backwards” Muslims, appeared
to be threatening the Dutch Labor government’s hold on power
before he was assassinated by an animal rights activist. His
death has been attended by a mass outpouring of grief spanning
much of the political spectrum, and his lieutenants are poised
to join the next coalition government.
In Denmark, the far-right Danish People’s Party,
led by self-styled housewife Pia Kjaersgaard, has polled as
high as 15% on calls for an end to immigration and a rejection
of the euro currency.
The BNP, whose politicians have abandoned their
traditional boots and braces of late in favor of suits and ties,
had sought to gain from a string of racial disturbances last
year by mounting a massive effort in local English elections.
Under the leadership of Nick Griffin, the party has recast itself
as a populist alternative to Labor, the Conservatives and the
Liberal Democrats, emphasizing issues of crime and immigration
while toning down its more traditional outward racism.
Contesting 66 local council seats throughout England,
BNP candidates polled an average of 12% to Labor’s 33% and the
Conservative’s 34%.
While the results were hailed as a defeat for
the fascists in the press, the BNP made clear inroads around
the suburbs of Leeds.
Anti-fascist groups and mainstream politicians
alike fear a groundswell of support for neo-Nazism in the North,
where the government’s dispersal system has concentrated recent
immigrant communities in impoverished industrial towns beset
by spiraling unemployment.
Anti-fascists find the results particularly disturbing
in light of ‘devolution’ policies granting local and regional
governments increasing amounts of power, and the trend toward
establishing powerful, American-style mayors for larger cities.
They fear fascists could gain broad powers in future elections.
But in several key council races in East London,
long a focal point of racism against Indians, Pakistanis and
Bangladeshis, the party polled far lower than it has in the
past. The BNP won its first seat there in 1993, on the largely
white, working class Isle of Dogs, but fared poorly there this
time around.
Though the neo-Nazi National Front threatened
to become a third national party briefly in the 1970s, Britain
boasts a popular hatred of fascism perhaps unmatched by any
other nation in Europe.
Londoners still recall with glee the 1936 ‘Battle
of Cable Street,’ in which residents of blue collar East London
trounced a march by the BNP’s predecessor, Oswald Moseley’s
British Union of Fascists.
The devastating aerial bombing of Britain by Nazi
Germany in the Second World War remains fresh in the minds of
Britons who weren’t yet born.
The governing Labor party is pressing ahead with
plans to harden immigration controls, already the most stringent
in Europe, by detaining asylum seekers at intake centers where
would-be immigrants could be held for months and even years
while their claims are processed.
War crimes court to become
reality despite US withdrawal
By Gustavo Capdevila
Geneva, Switzerland, May 9 (IPS)— The
International Criminal Court (ICC) for trying cases of war crimes,
crimes against humanity and genocide will begin to operate within
a year, in spite of the opposition of the United States, say
human rights groups.
The process of setting up the 18-justice court
will continue normally, even though Washington has renounced
its obligations as a signatory of the Rome Statute, which established
the tribunal in 1998, said William R. Pace, convenor of the
Coalition for the International Criminal Court.
The United States told the United Nations Secretary-General
Kofi Annan on Monday that it was formally withdrawing from the
treaty that former US president Bill Clinton (1993-2001) had
signed in 2000.
The US government of George W. Bush prefers to
continue with the current mechanism of ad hoc tribunals for
specific cases, such as those created for Yugoslavia and Rwanda,
which are dependent on the UN Security Council, said Pace.
The treaty for creating the new court, known as
the Rome Statute as it was adopted in that city in 1998 by a
UN conference, enters into force July 1 having been ratified
by 66 countries.
But the court will not become operational for
approximately one year because the states party to the treaty
will not hold their first assembly until early September, in
New York. There, they will have to approve the budget for the
first 12 months and the program for establishing the tribunal.
At that meeting, the delegates of the ratifying
countries will determine the rules of procedure for the nomination
and the election of the ICC’s 18 judges and the prosecutor.
The Coalition for the International Criminal Court,
made up of 15 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) specializing
in human rights -- including Amnesty International, International
Commission of Jurists, and Human Rights Watch -- issued a forewarning
about the process.
The credibility of the designations of the court
justices and the quality of the judges themselves will determine
the image, the moral authority and the success of the ICC, stated
coalition leader Pace.
The European Union (EU), which strongly supports
the creation of the court, says it should consist of reputable
judges and lawyers who have extensive knowledge of criminal,
international and humanitarian law.
In addition to the general prosecutor and at
least two assistants, the court will have a staff of 100 to
200 employees in the first two years.
The number of agents will double by the end of
the first five years of operations, estimate the human rights
NGOs.
Pace said the parameters for the calculations
were based on the special courts set up for the Yugoslavia and
Rwanda cases, which have approximately 400 and 900 employees,
respectively.
The budget for the ICC could reach $29 million,
he said.
For perspective, Pace pointed out that the members
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) spent $11 billion
in 1999 on overseas military operations.
In comments directed at the United States, the
EU has said that the ICC would make “the costly and cumbersome
process of creating new ad hoc tribunals unnecessary.”
However, Pace reckons that the US opposition to
the court is based on factors beyond money. Washington is “willing
to have a strong treaty as long as the United States is exempt
and the United States can control the treaty,” he said.
The NGO coalition chief cited the US precedents
in withdrawing from international environmental treaties, disarmament
treaties, children’s rights treaties -- “Across the board it
is abandoning multilateralism.” The US Under-Secretary of State
for Political Affairs, Marc Grossman, criticized the new tribunal,
saying it “undermines the role of the UN Security Council in
maintaining international peace and security.”
Pace commented that such opinions reflect the
fact that the United States would only recognize a treaty that
exempts it due to that country’s “extraordinary military and
political role in the world.”
The other option that Washington would agree to
is the subordination of the International Criminal Court to
the UN Security Council, where it holds veto power.
If that were the case, the United States “would
be able to restrict the court to cases that it and the other
four permanent members (Britain, China, France and Russia) and
the ten elected members of the Council determine need to be
investigated and prosecuted,” said Pace.
The United States says it would never grant an
international organization the legal authority to try US soldiers
arrested for war crimes, for example, unless the court existed
under the auspices of the UN Security Council.
“When we control it, we will agree do it,” is
the guiding principle of the Bush government, commented the
coordinator of the Coalition.
That approach is not acceptable to most other
governments, he added. “Most countries see the court as an extension
of their national legal systems for the purposes of trying these
crimes, not as the creation of a supranational organization.”
Over the last five years, as the court was being
debated, NGO and civil society delegates in favor of the initiative
visited countries around the world, with particular attention
to Latin America, Africa and Asia.
“The first thing that parliamentarians would say
to us was ‘we cannot support it because it is going to be controlled
by the United States’,” recalled Pace.
However, he pointed out a positive sign in that
the ICC has been created by democratic nations.
The Freedom Foundation, a Washington-based human
rights group with conservative tendencies, rated 63 of the 66
countries that ratified the Rome Statute as democratic regimes.
According to the study, it said that 74 percent
of those countries are “completely free.”
EU representatives have said that when the International
Criminal Court becomes operational and proves that it delivers
effective and impartial administration of justice, other states
not yet parties to the Rome Statute will be convinced to ratify
the treaty.
Afghanistan women still
under threat
New York, New York, May 9— Afghan women
continue to fear physical violence and experience insecurity
even after the end of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, Human
Rights Watch said today.
Sexual violence by armed factions and public
harassment tied to repressive Taliban-era edicts continue to
restrict women in their movement, expression and dress, Human
Rights Watch said in a new briefing paper released today.
“Women can only participate in the reconstruction
of Afghanistan if they can be physically safe,” said LaShawn
R. Jefferson, executive director of the Women’s Rights Division
of Human Rights Watch. “The international community must act
now to end violence against women.”
The 11-page briefing paper, “Taking Cover: Women
in Post-Taliban Afghanistan,” documents cases of attacks and
threats against women that include rape and other acts of sexual
violence and their effect on women’s participation in civil
society.
Since the end of Taliban rule in Afghanistan in
November 2001, women and girls have had growing access to education,
health care, and employment. At the same time, many Afghan women
still live in an environment in which personal physical security
is constantly under threat. The Human Rights Watch briefing
paper documents a number of cases of sexual violence in the
northern city of Mazar-i Sharif, including gang-rapes.
Many women continue to limit their movements and
to wear a burqa, the head-to-toe enveloping garment, for their
physical security, even though the Taliban-era edict requiring
women to wear the burqa is no longer in force. Human Rights
Watch called on the international community to support the expansion
of the mandate and duration of the International Security Assistance
Force in Afghanistan (ISAF), increase funding for human rights
monitoring in Afghanistan, and provide direct financial and
programmatic assistance to the Afghan Ministry for Women’s Affairs.
In addition, Human Rights Watch called on the
Interim Administration, including local authorities, to take
all possible steps to protect women from sexual and other gender-specific
violence, and bring perpetrators to justice. Human Rights Watch
also recommended that the Justice Ministry should repeal those
laws that discriminate against women and are inconsistent with
customary international law and international treaties to which
Afghanistan is a party.
Source: Human Rights Watch
Israel’s ‘evidence’ against
Arafat ‘riddled with omissions, falsehoods’
By Robert Fisk
Ramallah, Occupied Territories, May 9—
Israel’s so-called Book of Terror — designed to prove that Yassir
Arafat is a master of terror involved in suicide attacks on
Israel — is riddled with errors, omissions, and deliberate misinformation.
The dossier, which was presented to President
George Bush by the Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, characterizes
Arafat as an evil, scheming warlord funded by Iran and Saudi
Arabia.
But in some cases, translations of Palestinian
documents allegedly seized by Israeli troops in the West Bank
have been doctored to “prove” Arafat’s responsibility for anti-Israeli
attacks. At least one “translation” of a Palestinian document
posted on the Israeli army’s website is a palpable falsehood.
In reality the documents portray Arafat’s military
impotence. The papers the Israeli intelligence service have
so far produced – assuming that most of them are genuine – paint
a vivid, pathetic picture of his loss of power within the Palestinian
community over the past 12 months, the suborning of his lieutenants
and the gradual recruitment of his men by Hamas and Islamic
Jihad opponents.
The original Arabic documents reveal just how
the Israelis, in an exercise in black propaganda, have manipulated
their true meaning. On Mar. 20, this year, “Hamdi,” one of Yassir
Arafat’s senior intelligence officers in the West Bank town
of Tulkarem, wrote a report about a suspected Israeli collaborator
called Jihad Ilayan.
“Further to our letter… about the [Israeli] helicopter
strike on the chicken farm at Anabta and after arresting the
young man mentioned above, interrogating him and then releasing
him, we wish to inform you that he is now with a relative named
Riyadh Ilayan from the Jalazoan [refugee] camp and he [Riyadh]
works in General Intelligence,” Hamdi’s report said. The implications
are obvious. Riyadh Ilayan works for Arafat’s own intelligence
organization but his relative Jihad is suspected of collaboration
with Israel.
Just 17 days earlier, another intelligence report
from Tulkarem, this time written on unheaded notepaper and unsigned,
informs Arafat’s men that the al-Aqsa Brigades in the city are
planning “an operation inside Israel.” The brigade’s modus operandi,
says the document, includes offering suspected Israeli collaborators
forgiveness if they kill Jewish settlers or Israeli soldiers
or intelligence officers. The forthcoming “operation” had been
planned, the report states, by Ghanem Ghanem of Force 17, Hani
Abu Laimoon, “a previous operative of ours,” and an unnamed
man who is referred to as a “drug dealer.” The same group, the
document notes, had previously arranged the attack on a banqueting
hall in the northern Israeli city of Hadera. It does not mention
the results of that attack: six Israeli civilians dead and another
35 wounded.
These reports – and many others – show just how
far Yassir Arafat had lost control of the militant organizations
flourishing among the Palestinians on the West Bank. But Israel’s
reaction was to go public with accounts of their contents that
were deliberately misleading and, in at least one case, untrue.
They claimed that the report on Ilayan detailed his role in
a failed suicide attack – when in fact it recorded his suspected
collaboration with Israel – while presenting the second document
as proof that Arafat’s own intelligence men were involved in
the al-Aqsa suicide squads. All references to the drug dealer
and the inducement to collaborators to seek forgiveness were
excised.
The Arabic texts suggest that Israel is fighting
against men who have long ago passed outside Arafat’s control,
who are better funded than his Palestinian Authority and whose
anti-Israeli attacks can only occasionally be foiled by Arafat’s
still-loyal intelligence officers.
Typical is the case of Mahmoud Freih, a 17-year-old
Palestinian schoolboy who was born in Kuwait and lived in Tulkarem.
A report from Arafat’s “Preventative Security” Office in the
city, dated Dec. 26 last year, informed his intelligence operatives
that Freih had originally been a member of the Democratic Front
(a Marxist, pro-Arafat group) but had since joined Islamic Jihad
at the instigation of a Tulkarem resident called Ayman Mahdawi.
Arafat’s men demanded to talk to Freih about his change of allegiance.
But he was already planning to plant a makeshift mine on a road
used by Israeli tanks near Shweikeh. The attack was aborted
because of the presence of Israeli soldiers. So he moved the
bomb, ran a wire from the explosives to a citrus tree in an
orchard. Again, his attack failed. Next day, Freih attended
school but returned to the bomb’s location – only to find that
the wire had been cut. Waiting for him there were an official
of the Palestinian Authority and an explosives expert named
Samir Abu Naser. He later confessed his activities to Arafat’s
men. A later note on the report says Freih was released after
questioning on condition he had been recruited – presumably
by the Palestinian Authority.
The story of how a 17-year-old schoolboy could
involve himself in Islamic Jihad and head off after classes
to try to destroy an Israeli tank casts a revealing light on
the militancy of Palestinian youth. The Israeli account deleted
all reference to the role played by the Palestinian Authority
in foiling the attack on the Israelis. The full text shows clearly
that Arafat’s men did just what the Israelis would wish: they
stopped the attack and persuaded the boy to change sides.
In other cases, however, Arafat’s intelligence
officers woefully failed to maintain the loyalty of their own
men. Far from controlling the powerful militias springing up
in the West Bank who were intent on an open conflict with the
Israelis, Arafat was simply marginalized. A long report, dated
Feb. 4, again written on unheaded notepaper, details for Arafat’s
intelligence men how the Palestinian security apparatus in Jenin
– along with local members of Arafat’s own CIA-trained General
Intelligence operation – had been infiltrated and bought over
with large payments of cash. One of the disloyal intelligence
men is now paid by the Islamic Jihad group and “sometimes wears
a mask in demonstrations and chants against the Authority.”
Another man, an officer in the CIA-trained Preventative Security
known as “Al-Rikh,” is described as “the source of most of the
weapons of Jihad and Hamas.” The Fatah movement in Jenin, the
document adds, is “playing on both ropes ... they are with the
Authority but, when the Authority arrests someone, they are
against it.” Money obviously plays a large part in the suborning
of Arafat’s men.
Israel’s attempts to pin Arafat’s name to payments
for Palestinians who had committed anti-Israeli attacks rest
on a few documents which bear – or appear to bear – Yassir Arafat’s
signature. One of these, dated Sept. 19 last year, is a request
for payments of $2,500 to Raed el-Karni, Ziad Daas and Amar
Qadan. The Israeli version of this document fails to point out
that both el-Karni and Qadan were assassinated by Israeli forces
four months later. Daas, who is still alive, is believed to
have planned the Hadera massacre in retaliation for the Israeli
murder of el-Karni. But the Hadera killings took place on Jan.
17 this year, four months after – not before – the request to
Arafat. In any event, each man received $600. Another document
on “State of Palestine” letterhead, records payments of $800
to 15 men, including Bilal Abu Aamsheh, who was later accused
by Israel of killing an Israeli on May 31, 2001 and two border
guards on Sept. 11 the same year. Again, the payments were authorized
not after the murders but almost two months before. An account
of money apparently needed for weapons
production carries the legend “Al-Aqsa Martyrs
Troops” on the top of the page. According to the Israelis, it
is addressed to Fouad Shabaki, one of Arafat’s confidants. But
on the printed Arabic original, Shabaki’s name does not appear.
What the paper does show – yet again – is the huge amount of
money available to the men who run the suicide squads. It includes
$80,000 for lathes, milling machines, welding machines and wiring.
Another paper, entitled “Financial Report” but again showing
no Arafat connections, details costs of bullets and chemicals
for explosive charges and bombs for al-Aqsa. It provides a startling
contrast between the cash available to the suicide squads and
the penny-pinching amounts that Arafat apparently doled out.
The documents do provide a rare glimpse into
the powerlessness of Arafat, the infiltration of his subordinates,
the attempts to suborn his own intelligence officers – one of
them loyally tells Arafat’s spooks that he has refused advances
from Islamic Jihad. The last thing they prove is that Arafat
is behind the wave of suicide bombings that have continued in
Israel.
Source: Times (UK)
DU-poisoned air remains widespread
in Yugoslavia

Depelted uranium particles continue to contaminate
the air throughout Yugoslavia three years after NATO bombing.
Photo courtesy of World Factbook 2001
By Vesna Peric Zimonjic
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, May 7 (IPS)— Three
years after North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) air strikes
against Yugoslavia, people in the area are still breathing in
particles of toxic depleted uranium (DU), according to the United
Nations Environment Program (UNEP).
The latest UNEP report, presented in Belgrade
last week, said persisting contaminations were recorded at the
locations targeted by NATO during the 11 weeks of the air campaign
against Yugoslavia.
Pekka Haavisto, chair of the DU Assessment Team,
said shells with DU ammunition (known as ‘penetrators’) have
corroded “amazingly fast” and as a result, DU continues to be
constantly released into the air and is spreading -- in the
form of particles -- all around the areas that were hit.
“The new findings show that the contamination
remains widespread, although with low level risks for the population,”
said Haavist. “Constant monitoring of water quality is needed,
while the site decontamination and construction work could potentially
stir up DU dust from the ground surface in the future,” he added.
DU is a waste product of the process used to enrich
natural uranium ore for nuclear reactors or nuclear weapons.
It is used in the tips of bullets or warheads to pierce armor
plating. DU breaks into tiny particles on impact and these can
be easily ingested or inhaled.
Some 31,000 warheads with DU landed in Yugoslavia
during the 1999 NATO campaign.
NATO officials insist that there are no clear
links between DU ammunition and the different types of cancer
appearing among soldiers who served in the contaminated areas,
or among the population. Health experts warn that the effects
become visible five years after the contact with DU particles.
Last week, Italian RAI television showed footage
of 23 children born with serious defects after their fathers
took part in military operations in the Balkans and Somalia.
Last January 11 European countries published a
list of 22 soldiers who died of cancer or leukemia after serving
in the Balkans. NATO used DU weapons while bombing Bosnian Serb
sites during the Bosnian war in 1994 and 1995. International
peacekeeping troops arrived there at the end of 1995.
UNEP and local teams have marked five locations
hit by DU weapons in southern Serbia and one in Montenegro,
where the quick additional decontamination is due to start by
the end of May.
The decontamination of two of the biggest sites
in Serbia will cost up to $500,000 each.
One of the recommendations of UNEP is to collect
the layers of contaminated soil and put them in barrels, while
the penetrators should be recovered from the ground and stored
in safe places.
However, 112 locations where DU ammunition was
used in the now UN- administered province of Kosovo have not
even been marked. Experts warn that Kosovo Albanians are almost
completely unaware of hazards that surround them.
UNEP is running a separate operation in Kosovo,
which is not under the jurisdiction of Belgrade since the end
of NATO air raids in June 1999.
“It is our obligation to complete this task in
Yugoslavia,” said Miroslav Nikcevic, assistant of federal health
minister. “We can not become accomplices in an experiment against
our people,” he added.
According to the experts of the Belgrade Oncology
Center, the rise in occurrence of cancer and leukemia can be
expected in 2004 and 2005.
“The rise in occurrence could be up to 30 percent,”
says Miodrag Djordjevic from the Center.
In the meantime, the authorities in Yugoslavia
have not done much to make the public aware of the health hazards.
One of the reasons might be the change of regime in October
2000, when anti-NATO and anti-Western politics of Slobodan Milosevic
were defeated.
“Yugoslav authorities are now in a strange situation,”
analyst Aleksandar Ciric said. “On the one hand, admitting the
real dangers could mean stirring again anti-Western feelings
among people. On the other, giving much publicity to the problem
could distract potential badly needed foreign investors. It’s
a thin line no one wants to cross.”
South America up in arms
over US farm bill
By Raúl Pierri
Montevideo, Uruguay, May 10 (IPS)— The
congressional passage of a new farm bill increasing agriculture
subsidies by nearly 80 percent in the United States, self-proclaimed
champion of free trade, has unleashed a wave of indignation
in South America and Europe.
Argentina and Brazil announced that they would
seek action in the World Trade Organization (WTO), while Uruguay,
another agricultural exporter and their partner in the Mercosur
(Southern Common Market) trade bloc, is still deciding what
steps it will take.
The farm bill, which replaces the 1996 Freedom
to Farm Law, designed to wean farmers off federal subsidies,
will increase agricultural spending by close to 80 percent,
to a total of around $170 billion over the next 10 years.
The bill, approved May 3 by the House of Representatives,
made it through the Democratic-controlled Senate Wednesday by
a vote of 64-35.
According to WTO limits, the United States can
shell out no more than $19.1 billion a year in federal aid to
farmers. The new bill authorizes the Department of Agriculture
to keep subsidies within that limit.
The farm bill guarantees US farmers more stable
incomes by increasing price supports for grain and cotton producers,
reviving subsidies for honey, mohair, and wool, and adding new
ones for milk, peanuts, lentils, and chickpeas.
It also boosts spending on soil conservation programs
by 80 percent, to benefit livestock and fruit and vegetable
farms, which have historically received little federal support.
President George W. Bush said he would sign the
bill into law, despite protests from Australia, Canada, the
European Union, and South America’s agricultural producers,
whose development prospects largely depend on farm exports.
Agricultural commodities account for 52 percent
of Argentina’s exports. That proportion stands at 39 percent
in Bolivia, 33 percent in Brazil, 15 percent in Chile, 37 percent
in Colombia, 67 percent in Ecuador, 24 percent in Peru, and
55 percent in Uruguay.
A number of governments have complained about
the contradiction between Washington’s free-market rhetoric
and its policies.
In September, the United States backed a call
issued by the Cairns Group, made up of 18 agricultural exporting
countries, for a profound reform of the international trade
system, and the elimination of all forms of trade-distorting
subsidies.
US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick said Tuesday
that the farm bill should not throw into question the Bush administration’s
intention to eliminate export subsidies and improve market access.
Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Lafer announced
that his country “won’t hesitate to use all possible options
of commercial defense to nullify the harmful effects of subsidized
products,” and that it would file a complaint against the farm
bill in the WTO, due to the harm it will inflict on Brazil’s
exports, especially soy beans.
Brasilia estimated the losses it would suffer
over the next four years as a result of the farm bill at $9.6
billion, since the new US law will drastically boost US exports
and lead to the loss of market share for South American exporters,
while driving down commodity prices.
Argentine Agriculture Secretary Rafael Delpech
said Wednesday that Buenos Aires “is not going to just sit back
doing nothing if our farm revenues plunge as a result of the
huge US agricultural subsidies.”
Delpech said the farm bill would cause “profound
damages to international trade,” and added that his country
would also take the case before the WTO.
Uruguayan Agriculture Minister Gonzalo González
said he was still studying the new US law.
But Uruguay’s farmers have complained loudly.
“The law makes us very skeptical regarding the negotiations
that the United States was carrying out with Uruguay on a free
trade agreement,” said the vice-president of the Uruguayan Association
of Rice Farmers, Hugo Manini Ríos.
“They can’t just close the door on a country
that wants to work in the area where it is able to work. That
shows a lack of sensitivity towards emerging economies, whose
main chance for development lies in agricultural production.
We must not be governed by the law of the strong,” he added.
Manini Ríos said the US law would hurt Brazilian
soy bean and cotton farmers, who may start growing rice instead,
which would compete with Uruguay’s production, thus triggering
“a vicious circle that will produce a disaster” in the Southern
Cone region.
US Nobel Economy Prize-Winner Joseph Stiglitz
described the farm bill as “the perfect illustration of the
Bush administration’s hypocrisy on trade liberalization.”
The law has also irritated the United States’
closest allies, like Canada, its main partner in the North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
WORLD BRIEFS
$2 million in Colombia
anti-drug aid missing
The head of Colombia’s antinarcotics police, Gen. Gustavo Socha,
was reassigned on May 10 after about $2 million in US drug war
aid allegedly vanished into the pockets of some of his officers.
Last week the US Embassy said it had suspended
some aid to the counter-narcotics police after discovering two
months ago that a “significant amount of money” was missing.
A US Embassy official said about 20 members of the police are
believed to have taken money “for personal ends.”
Socha’s police unit receives about $4 million
in US aid per year-- part of Washington’s “Plan Colombia” drug-fighting
effort.
The US Embassy said Washington’s confidence in
the Colombian anti-narcotics police remained “unshaken” despite
the lost funds. (Associated Press)
Mexican indigenous challenge
new law
Mexico’s highest court began hearing challenges to the controversial
Law on Indigenous Rights and Culture, which was approved by
Congress in April 2001.
Dozens of representatives from Indian and leftist
organizations, as well as Zapatista National Liberation Army
(EZLN) supporters, are in the Mexican capital to challenge the
law before the Supreme Court.
The EZLN and most Indian groups oppose the law,
which went into effect in August 2001, because it does not recognize
the Indian communities as part of the state nor include fundamental
principles such as the right to autonomy or the “use and enjoyment”
of their land and natural resources. (Agencia EFE)
3,000 protest police brutality
in Ireland
“Ramble free zone. Roll up. Roll up. Crack a skull, win a desk
job” read one of the placards outside Pearse Street Garda (police)
Station in Dublin, Ireland as thousands gathered May 9 in protest
over police violence at a Reclaim The Streets (RTS) rally earlier
in the week. Up to 3,000 protesters marched to Dublin’s Civic
offices.
Civil Rights leaders and representatives of numerous
political and anti-capitalist groups condemned the violent action
of gardai to the May 6 RTS rally-- fourteen people received
hospital treatment after having been beaten by gardai.
Representatives from the Dublin Council of Trade
Unions, the Anarchist Workers Solidarity Movement, and Sinn
Fein made a list of demands ranging from an independent investigation
into the incident to the removal of Dublin Police Commissioner
Pat Byrne. (The Irish Examiner)
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