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Watch Woolsey: the crusade to
remake the Middle East
By Jim Lobe
Washington, DC, Apr. 4 (IPS) If you want to figure out whether
the administration of President George W. Bush intends a crusade to remake
the Middle East in the wake of Washingtons presumed military
victory in Iraq, watch what happens with R. James Woolsey.
A former director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Woolsey is
being pushed hard by his fellow neo-conservatives in the Pentagon to play
a key role in the post-Saddam Hussein US occupation.
Less well known than his long-time associates and close friends, Deputy
Pentagon Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and the former head of the Defense Policy
Board (DPB) Richard Perle, Woolsey has long believed that Washington has
a mission to use its overwhelming military power and its democratic ideals
to transform the Arab world.
And he has pushed for war with Iraq as hard as anyone, even before the
terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.
If he soon pops up in Baghdad, you can bet that the clash of civilizations
is imminent, if it has not begun already.
To Woolseys mind, the United States is already engaged in what he
and many of his fellow neo-cons call World War IV, a struggle
that pits the United States and Britain against Islamist and Wahabi
extremists like al-Qaidas Osama bin Laden, Iranian theocrats, and
Baath Party fascists in Syria and Iraq.
Their list also includes other authoritarian rulers in the Arab world,
such as Egypts President Hosni Mubarak and the ruling Saud family
in Saudi Arabia, whose Faustian bargain with the Muslim Wahabi
sect, in Woolseys view, is responsible for al-Qaida and much of
Islamist-related terrorism throughout the world.
We want you nervous, Woolsey told Mubarak and
the Saudi monarchy in a speech to students at the University of California
at Los Angeles on Thursday. We want you to realize now, for the
fourth time in a hundred years, [that] this country and its allies are
on the march, and that we are on the side of those you most fear: were
on the side of your own people.
Iraq can be seen as the first battle of the fourth world war,
Woolsey declared in a NATO conference in Prague last November, in rhetoric
that he has practiced and honed virtually since the 9/11 attacks on New
York and the Pentagon.
After two hot world wars and one cold one that all began and were
centered in Europe, he said, the fourth world war is going
to be for the Middle East.
A high-flying corporate lawyer, Woolsey, like other neo-conservatives,
began as a liberal Democrat in the 1960s who marched in the civil rights
movement and even campaigned for the anti-Vietnam War candidate, Sen.
Eugene McCarthy.
Unlike most neo-cons, Woolsey served a brief stint in the Army
albeit not in Indochina before entering government, where he fell
in with the rising stars of the neo-conservative movement, including Perle
and Wolfowitz, as an arms-control negotiator.
He served for two years in the Carter administration as undersecretary
of the Navy, and was then recruited by Perle and other hard-liners in
the Reagan administration to return to arms-control work, which he also
pursued under the administration of George Bush, Sr.
Unhappy with the realism of the first Bush, and outraged by his failure
to oust Saddam after the first Gulf War, he supported Bill Clinton for
president in 1992. To the enthusiasm of fellow-neo-cons, Clinton made
him CIA director in 1993 but he resigned less than two years later, complaining
that he and Clinton never established a close relationship.
But Woolsey maintained his obsession with Saddam Hussein, and in January
1998 signed a public letter to Clinton by the newly formed Project for
the New American Century (PNAC) calling for the adoption of a regime
change as the main US policy goal towards Iraq.
In that same year, he lobbied hard for passage of the Iraq Liberation
Act (ILA), which not only formalized regime change as the policy but allocated
up to 100 million dollars for the Iraqi opposition, mainly the Iraq National
Congress (INC), headed by Ahmed Chalabi.
That lobby went into high gear immediately after Sept. 11. Within just
a few days, Perle convened the DPB to discuss how Washington could use
the incidents as justification for attacking Iraq, and Woolsey was tasked
to go to Europe to collect evidence that Hussein was linked to al-Qaida.
He spent many weeks on that mission, emerging with the story that an unnamed
informant had told Czech intelligence that he had seen the leader of the
Sept. 11 skyjackers meet with an Iraqi agent in Prague in the April before
the attack.
Even though the report was dismissed as not credible by US, British, French,
and Israeli intelligence agencies, it became the basis endlessly
repeated by Woolsey and other neo-cons on television talk shows and in
op-ed pages of major newspapers of a major propaganda campaign
against Iraq even as Washington carried out its military campaign in Afghanistan
in late 2001.
Woolsey even suggested that Saddam was behind the 1993 bombing of the
World Trade Center towers and the anthrax-bearing letters sent to various
lawmakers after 9/11, and that US intelligence agencies could not find
the connection because they lacked sufficient imagination.
The campaign largely worked: by late last year, well over one-half of
respondents in one key poll believed that Saddam was somehow linked to
the Sept. 11 attacks.
Like other neo-conservatives, Woolsey also appears to have somewhat ambivalent
views about the democratic revolution he seeks to generate throughout
the Arab world.
Only fear will re-establish respect for the US, he told the
Washington Post when asked why US conquests in the Islamic world would
not incite even more support for Islamist radicals and al-Qaida.
When asked last week whether he would retain his enthusiasm for democracy
in the Arab world if tomorrow democratic elections were won by Islamist
parties hostile to Washington, he joked, Well, then perhaps the
election should be the day after tomorrow.
Still, Woolsey insists that he opposes a clash of civilizations
and that he is counting on the empowerment of silent majorities throughout
the Arab world to see the value of allying themselves with Washington.
The key alliance here, just as it was in the Cold War, over and
above our military power, is going to be with the moderate and sensible
and reasonable Muslims who constitute the vast majority of the worlds
Muslims and their understanding that we are on their side, just as we
were on the side of the people of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
in the Cold War.
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