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No. 232, June 26-July 3, 2003

To read an article, click on the headline.

Thousands protest
pro-biotech conference


Police subdue protesters in Sacramento, California on Mon., June 23, 2003. Photo courtesy www.biotechimc.org

Police raid on Bové home sparks nationwide outcry

Racial tensions flare in Benton Harbor, MI

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Thousands protest pro-biotech conference

Compiled by Nicholas Holt

June 25 (AGR)— Ministers from over 70 countries gathered last weekend in Sacramento, CA for a US Department of Agriculture backed conference on agriculture and biotechnology.

Over two thousand people also convened in Sacramento to protest the conference, calling it a platform for the Bush Administration to push genetically modified (GM) foods down the throats of developing nations.

Agriculture Secretary Ann Veneman said the international Ministerial Conference and Expo on Agricultural Science and Technology, would focus on methods of raising food crops to help developing countries, and on how to end hunger by 2015 — an objective established last year by the World Trade Organization (WTO).

However, technology alone wasn’t a solution, Veneman said. She suggested countries will also benefit by promoting free trade.

But activists said biotechnology is no antidote for hunger, the long-term health risks of genetically modified foods have not been fully studied, and that risks remain.

They say that the administration of President George W. Bush supports the practice because of successful lobbying by large corporations that want to peddle their goods in the developing world.

On June 22, two thousand protesters and an army of riot-gear-clad police hit the streets.

Everywhere — lined up in front of the Convention Center and manning street barricades — helmeted city police and California Highway Patrol officers stood with batons in hand.

Helicopters buzzed overhead, armored vehicles were dispatched, and sirens added to the cacophony as local media characterized the city as “an armed camp.”

Sacramento police responded violently to a peaceful demonstration outside an IMAX theater where fully armed horse-mounted police, a metal fence, and large groups of riot police secured the whole downtown block where conference participants saw a screening of a 3-D movie on the international space station.

After demonstrations proceeded for approximately thirty minutes, police officers armed with tasers, clubs, guns, and riot gear came out of the fenced area and formed a police wall separating protesters into two groups.

A squad of both mounted and riot police charged into the crowd, removing individuals who were on the sidewalks, not near the police line, in the street, and not behaving in a manner to attract individual attention.

Earlier in the day, milling activists upended trash bins, tore down chain-link fences, and briefly charged officers with the city’s own street barricades — sending a police car into rapid reverse to evade the protesters. A cadre of activists also took over the site of the former Mandella Community Garden in midtown.

“Hundreds of us are gathered here to say ‘No’ to the corporate takeover of the food system,” said Leda Dederich, an organizer of the protest, which she said drew more than 130 groups. “We are here to promote and defend sustainable agriculture and to protest the dangerous practice of genetically engineered food.”

The next day, more than 2,000 demonstrators marched through downtown Sacramento as the conference opened.

They rallied on the steps of the California state Capitol under the scrutiny of hundreds of police and California Highway Patrol officers and then spread out through the downtown area.

Demonstrators included chefs in aprons and white hats banging utensils on saucepans, as well as activists dressed as giant ears of corn, butterflies, and tomatoes. Protesters carried large puppets, signs such as “Feed the needy, not the greedy,” and trumpeted urban food programs, veganism, and organic farming.

Among the most distinctive were restaurant workers from some of the Bay Area’s most exclusive restaurants, including Chez Panisse, Millennium, and ACME Chophouse. They wore traditional garb, high white chef’s caps and starched tunics. One even carried a giant whisk.

“We’re here to expose the lies of big agricultural business,” said Cal Peterneu, a chef at Berkeley’s Chez Panisse. “Speaking through food can be convincing.”

After the planned march, about 20 protesters doffed their clothes, danced on the Capitol steps and began an unauthorized march through downtown. The naked protesters dispersed when the highway patrol brought in buses and threatened to arrest them.

On June 23, over 3,000 people rallied and marched around the Capitol building in the center of the city, protesting against biotechnology and the genetic engineering of life forms. Members of the crowd decked themselves out with colorful costumes, signs, and props.

As the march wound down, police officers began dividing the crowd, and became violent against many individuals without provocation.

Around 11 am, police confronted the group of protesters in front of the city’s Convention Center. About 15 demonstrators sat down in an intersection, their arms linked. A Sacramento police officer, using a bullhorn, ordered them several times to get back on the sidewalk or risk serious injury.

As soon as the protesters stood up and moved back to the sidewalk, officers rushed in and made two arrests.

For a few minutes chaos ensued, as dozens of police on foot — some brandishing taser guns — and about 10 others on horseback pushed the demonstrators back into police barricades. A handful of people received electric shocks from the guns.

“The police trapped the crowd,” said protest organizer and author Starhawk. “There was nowhere to go.”

Throughout the day, police clearly outnumbered demonstrators, many of whom said they felt intimidated.

There were also concerns that independent journalists were being targeted by police.

At the protest Welcome Center, several demonstrators complained they were hassled or arrested by police for wearing bandannas and carrying protest signs on wooden stakes. They said police cited a new Sacramento city ordinance that restricts what protesters can wear and carry in a parade.

The law, passed on an emergency basis the week before the conference, calls for signs only of cloth, paper or cardboard no thicker than a quarter inch. Signposts have to be less than a quarter inch thick and its ends cannot be pointed.

The ordinance also prohibits protesters from wearing gas masks or other filtering devices over their faces.

Later that day, word spread among protesters that police would be following any group of activists of ten or more. Through the evening, protesters walking home were detained, intimidated, and in some cases arrested, and helicopters with search lights buzzed the neighborhoods constantly.

Police reported a total of 75 arrests over the duration of the conference.

The three-day conference came as Washington pressures the European Union to accept bio-engineered food and prods the World Trade Organization to help in that drive.

US negotiators in Geneva had failed the week before to persuade Europe to lift a ban on biotech foods while US and European officials look set to do battle over the issue at a WTO conference in Cancun, Mexico, in September.

Sources: Agence France Presse, AP, Biotech IMC, Guardian (UK), Indymedia, Sacramento Bee, San Jose Mercury News

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Police raid on Bové home sparks nationwide outcry

By Julio Godoy

Paris, France, June 23 (IPS)— The arrest of farmer José Bové in a little town in southern France is beginning to do more damage to the government than to him.

Shortly after 6am June 22, a police force moved up to his house in Larzac, about 700 kilometers south of France. The policemen, accompanied by guard dogs and moving under helicopter cover, smashed through a glass door and arrested Bové.

Bové had been sentenced to ten months imprisonment for destroying a genetically modified test plantation back in 1997. The police moved in to enforce the court order.

The raid provoked a wave of protests all over France. In nearby Montpellier where Bové was taken to prison, farmers and union members took over the local police headquarters. Protests were held in Paris and elsewhere.

“Chirac to Prison, Bové to Freedom” read a banner a group of protesters carried in Paris. The banner was a reference to accusations of corruption against President Jacques Chirac, against which he has immunity as long as he remains head of state.

Opposition leaders and human rights groups called the police operation against Bové evidence of the growing authoritarianism of the government. The daily Liberation called it “a new government punch against the unions in France.”

Jean-Michel Thenard, leading political commentator with Liberation said Bové’s opposition to genetically modified organisms (GMOs) was central to French policy on GM crops.

“If France today opposes GMOs, both in Europe and before the World Trade Organization (WTO), it is mainly because Bové made people aware of the dangers,” Thenard wrote Monday.

The European Union suspended import of GMOs in 1999 following demands from farmers and consumers associations. This provoked a trade confrontation at the WTO (World Trade Organization) with the United States, the main producer of GM crops. The EU is now considering an end to the embargo.

Bové is leader of the Confederation Paysanne, a left-wing union of small farmers supporting organic agriculture. He has since the mid 1990s become an icon of opposition to market-driven globalization. He has been participating in major international meetings against market globalization such as the World Social Forum in the Brazilian city Porto Alegre, and in Seattle, Genoa, Doha, and elsewhere.

Bové, whose slogan is “The world is not merchandise” described his destruction of the GMO test plantations as an act to protect consumers and the environment.

Bové was offered a reduced sentence, but he insisted on nothing less than a presidential pardon.

“Either they send the police to take me to prison, or they send a letter announcing that there is no reason to send me to jail,” Bové said before his arrest. Bové’s demand for presidential amnesty was backed by some 600,000 letters from union members and small farmers.

Few were expecting him to be arrested like this.

“The police force was completely out of proportion against a farmer leader known for his non- violence,” said Bové’s lawyer Francois Roux. “José is not a dangerous gangster.”

The powerful General Worker’s Confederation (CGT, after its French name), called Bové’s arrest a “disquieting symbol of France’s political life now.” It said in a statement that “prison is not a place for a union leader.”

French judicial workers called the police operation against Bové excessive and politically motivated.

“The government is expressly aiming its repressive apparatus against the popular movement,” said Evelyne Sire-Martin, leader of the magistrates union. “The government is repressing a popular movement.”

Maurice Tubiana, president of the French League of Human Rights, called the police operation against Bové “a further step in the government’s authoritarian radicalization against a popular movement.”

Jean-Claude Amara, spokesperson of the rights group Droits Devant! (Rights First!), said that the French government had exhumed a law from the 1940s to pursue activists.

“This law is directly inspired by the neo-fascist French government that collaborated with the Nazis,” said Amara. “Our present government has copied complete paragraphs from the laws of the 1940s.”

Now, he said, the new enemies are union leaders, human rights activists and immigrants.

Minister for Justice Dominique Perben defended the police operation against Bové as a preventive measure. “Bové had showed that he would not cooperate with the police, and we tried to avoid violence,” Perben said at a press conference Sunday afternoon.

Perben said Chirac will soon consider whether Bové deserves presidential pardon. The announcement that Chirac is considering amnesty for Bové shows the difficulties the government faces in dealing with the farmer leader.

“For Chirac, Bové’s case is a real headache,” Thenard commented. “The police operation against Bové was not only ridiculous, it was also dangerous for the government and for French justice.”

Scores of farmers have now announced they are accomplices in Bové’s destruction of the GMO test plantations. The pressure is on Chirac.

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Racial tensions flare in Benton Harbor, MI

Complied by Shawn Gaynor

June, 25 (AGR)— It was a week ago that the city of Benton Harbor, MI, entered the national spotlight.

A 28-year-old African-American motorcyclist died during a police chase.

Soon the city was in flames. For three nights protests and riots shook this city, the poorest and one of the most segregated in Michigan. By June 19, twenty-one houses had been burned. Hundreds of police in riot gear marched the streets.

One local resident said Benton Harbor looked more like Beirut than the former popular lakeside vacation spot that it once was.

The problems in Benton Harbor have been growing for years. During the 1980s a team of urban affairs professors examined the city in search of a solution. The effort failed.

One of those professors, Joe Darden of Michigan State University, told the Detroit News, “When you combine segregation with the intense, concentrated poverty, hopelessness, and grievances associated with police brutality, you have potential powder kegs on your hands.”

“This whole riot, it didn’t just start on Sunday. It’s been building up for ten years.” This was the response of Rev. Pinckney, a community activist in Benton Harbor to the uprising that has been attracting national attention for the past several days.

“What’s going on now goes back way further than my age, than your age,” said Sammie Kemp, a young black man with a large silver cross around his neck, as he watched police in riot gear and assault rifles swarm his neighborhood. Kemp lives just a few blocks from where the two nights of rioting occurred, in which hundreds of people burst into the streets after a tense City Hall meeting, burning as many as a dozen buildings, overturning cars, and clashing with authorities. He knew Terrance Shurn, the young man on a motorcycle who died in the chase. But he and his friends are mostly upset about what they see as past miscarriages of justice — and their struggle to get jobs.

“What happened last night I don’t agree with,” he says. “But stuff like that can happen, and even worse, if they don’t come up with ways for people to work here.... A lot of [the people in St. Joseph] automatically judge you. You’re a drug dealer, you carry a gun. It’s a lot of racial profiling.”

Few articles have been written about the uprisings thus far that have bothered to trace its roots beyond the death of Terrance Shurn which occurred late Sunday night, June 16th. Coverage in mainstream media tells a uniform story: Terrance Shurn, a 27 year old motor cyclist was drag racing at 100 mph when a police chase ensued, which ended in Shurn’s death as he crashed into an abandoned building. The Associated Press article, which has been circulated widely, features interviews with police officers and city officials. It includes no interviews with residents as to the circumstances of Shurn’s death or the history of race and power relations in the area, which many say fueled the riots.

Reverend Pinckney is a Benton Harbor resident involved in an ongoing effort to expose criminal injustice and corruption in the Benton Harbor court system. He is a long time community activist and the executive director of BANCO (The Black Autonomy Network Community Organization).

From his perspective, the death of Terrence Shurn and the uprising that followed were predictable outgrowths of deep injustices that are rooted in Benton Harbor and its relationship to neighboring St. Joseph. Historically, Benton Harbor was a vibrant town with the lure of factory jobs during the 30’s and 40’s and later as a resort town. Until as recently as fifteen years ago, Benton Harbor was “Beautiful.” Since then, he says, “everything’s been taken out.” Since he has lived there, Pinckney has seen the water department, the courthouse, the hospital, and basically anything that could make money move across the river to St. Joseph.

The fact that sixty percent of all property in Benton Harbor is owned by white absentee landlords who pull money out of the city and across the river helps provide a context to the burning of houses which took place during the riots. Pinckney insists that while the state charts unemployment in Benton Harbor at 25 percent, in reality it is closer to 70 percent. Schools in Benton Harbor receive $6,700 per student compared to $12,000 per student in St. Joseph. But economic disparity between the two cities, and the history of power and exploitation that has formed it, is only one branch of the root system as Rev. Pinckney sees it.

The town of 11,000 is 92 percent black. Federal figures show that the average income is $17,000 a year. By contrast, St. Joseph (population 8,800) is 90 percent white. Bustling with clothiers and cafes, its average unemployment rate last year was below 2 percent. Indeed, most of Berrien County is white, conservative, and affluent. While some of the tensions playing out in this small community are rooted in local grievances, much of the anger heard here on the streets echoes that of African-Americans who have rioted in major cities in recent years. In that sense, Benton Harbor could be South Central Los Angeles or the Over the Rhine section of Cincinnati.

Serial police brutality has set the frame for race relations between Benton Harbor residents and the police force, which is 99 percent white. Recent incidents include the strangling of a young black man by police officers and the death of a seven year old boy, who was a bystander to a police chase. According to research that Pinckney has compiled, black men aged 14 to 28 are fourteen times more likely to be killed by a police officer than the national average. Given the statistics and the incidents still fresh in people’s memories, Pinckney says “you basically have two options when a cop wants to pull you over: you can stop and get beat up or thrown in jail, or you can keep going, knowing that it’s probably going to be worse for you… nobody wants to get pulled over by them.”

Beyond economic oppression and police brutality, a more systemic problem exists: courts are corrupt and explicitly racist. Pinckney feels that no real change will ever be possible in Benton Harbor until the court system and the police force are investigated, reformed, and held fiercely accountable through a “people’s” monitoring body. Right now, he tries to be that body, sitting in the courtroom every day, documenting and recording injustice. He says, “I have seen open racism from judges which was met with no discipline. But sometimes they skip the courtroom altogether and send people straight to jail.” Benton Harbor has the highest per capita rate of individuals in prison of all cities in Michigan. Six or seven people (out of a total population of 12,000) are sent to jail per week. The jail, which is located in St. Joseph, currently holds 500 prisoners (with a legal capacity of 347). It is the first building one sees when crossing the bridge from Benton Harbor into St. Joseph and residents say this is not a coincidence.

Pinckney says he is not surprised at mainstream media’s coverage of the uprising. In Benton Harbor, the local paper is owned and operated from St. Joseph and therefore stories of police brutality and other injustices are ignored or misrepresented. He says, “we are just sick and tired of the injustice of this system… it is important for people to hear our stories.” The story that holds water for Benton Harbor residents about the death of Terrence Shurn and the beginnings of the riots last week is starkly different from the one being read and digested through corporate media throughout the country.

Pinckney claims there are forty witnesses to a death that was by no means an accident. Reportedly, a police car rode close behind Shurn, bumping the tires of his bike. When a second car approached, the police drove Shurn off the road and into the abandoned house. After the crash several policemen kicked Shurn in the head, and then gave each other high fives. The next night, while relatives of Shurn were holding a vigil outside the house where he was killed, police attempted to break up the gathering. This incited indignation and rage, which turned into a riot.

A campaign is currently underway to hold an independent investigation of the death of Terrance Shurn. The Southwest Michigan Coalition Against Racism and Police Brutality is circulating a letter urging people to write to Governor Granholm with their demand. When asked what he would communicate to the rest of the country about the situation in Benton Harbor if he could, Reverend Pinckney said: “I would ask people for help. We need better jobs, better education. We need to have a no-chase clause. We need a people’s commission to oversee the Benton Harbor police department.”

Sources: Christian Science Monitor, Democracy Now, Indymedia

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