|
Rumsfelds ruminations reinforce
reservations
By Jim Lobe
Washington, DC, Oct. 23 (IPS) They normally come in the form of
simple, one or two-paragraph queries, affectionately, and sometimes not
so affectionately, referred to by his underlings and colleagues as snowflakes.
But Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfelds latest ruminations blew in like
a freak autumn blizzard, catching officials in Washington off-guard and
leaving spokespersons scrambling for guidance that could reassure reporters,
Congress and the public that, yes, the situations in Iraq and Afghanistan
really are completely under control.
The leak of a dour, two-page memo addressed to four of Rumsfelds
top aides and filled with a series of fundamental questions that most
experts would have expected to have been thought out long ago is the latest
indication of serious disarray even self-doubt among the
Bush administration hawks who led the march to war in Iraq.
Coming two weeks into a major administration public-relations campaign
to persuade the public that things in Iraq are going much better than
the press is reporting and on the eve of a donors conference in Madrid
designed to persuade US allies to cough up billions of dollars in reconstruction
aid for Iraq, the timing for airing Rumsfelds worries could not
be much worse.
The memo, which appeared in USA Today on Wednesday and, among other things,
confirms that the Pentagon has failed even to establish benchmarks in
its global war on terror to measure whether it is winning
or losing, comes on top of a number of other embarrassments this week
around the US-led occupation of Iraq.
They began with the continuing reverberations from last weeks disclosure
that the Pentagon official in charge of tracking down former Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein and the leadership of the al-Qaida terrorist group, Lt
Gen William Boykin, is something of a Christian fanatic.
Boykin has appeared in uniform in churches around the country the past
two years proclaiming, among other things, that the enemy in the war
on terrorism is a guy named Satan and that the god worshipped
by Muslims is an idol.
While several powerful lawmakers, including leading Republicans, demanded
that Boykin immediately step down or at least be reassigned to a less
sensitive post, the Pentagon said only that it would investigate if he
violated any laws or regulations but that no further action was being
considered.
The next blow came from abroad. After wrangling for months to get a clearly
reluctant Turkish parliament to authorize the contribution of as many
as 10,000 troops to US-led occupation forces in Iraq, the administration
hinted this week it may soon cancel the idea in the face of unanimous
opposition from its hand-picked Governing Council in Baghdad.
Rumsfeld said Tuesday that the Turkish deployment the parliaments
endorsement of which earlier this month was touted as a major diplomatic
breakthrough would go forward only if an arrangement could be worked
out that was satisfactory to (the Turks), satisfactory to the Iraqis
and satisfactory to the coalition.
Whether or not they will ultimately find a method of satisfying
everybody, I dont know, Rumsfeld said, adding he still hoped
the plan could be salvaged. But the Los Angeles Times reported Wednesday
that the chief of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in Iraq, L.
Paul Bremer III, has formally recommended the idea be abandoned.
The Pentagon views Turkish troops as particularly desirable because their
military and peacekeeping experience would enable them to actually replace
US troops in the field, rather than simply act as auxiliary units for
defending fixed targets such as oil pipelines.
It was also felt that Turkeys participation would encourage other
predominantly Muslim countries, such as Pakistan and Bangladesh, to contribute
troops, thus reducing the ability of Islamic militants to depict the occupation
as similar to the Crusades of the Middle Ages.
But with the Turkish option fading, it appears that administration hopes
for drawing down US troop levels to less than one-half of the 130,000
troops in Iraq now by the end of 2004 were unrealistic. That assessment,
in turn, means that yet more reservists will have to be deployed to Iraq,
further straining an overstretched and increasingly demoralized army.
The US commander in Iraq disclosed Wednesday that attacks on US troops
there have increased sharply in October, reaching a high of 35 a day,
compared to between 10 and 15 attacks in July and August.
Military officials argued that the rise in attacks mostly reflected more-aggressive
tactics by US forces, particularly in Sunni-dominated western provinces,
where troops had previously asserted only a modest presence.
But analysts here said the growing attacks also indicate that the resistance
continues to grow and spread to regions that have been relatively quiet.
Despite the bad news, the administration remained officially upbeat this
week with Vice President Dick Cheney, for example, telling Republican
donors Monday, we are rolling back the terrorist threat at the very
heart of its power, in the Middle East.
While that may be the official line, pundits and Democrats noted Thursday,
Rumsfelds private doubts tell a different story. While the Pentagon
chiefs penchant for constantly sprinkling his snowflakes
questions, proddings, suggestions all over the national-security
bureaucracy, his Oct. 16 memo seemed, as USA Today called it, especially
grim.
Consisting essentially of a series of questions, it is particularly notable
for the lack of confidence it expresses in the ability of both the Pentagon
and the intelligence agencies to effectively prosecute the war on terror.
It is not possible to change DoD (Department of Defense) fast enough
to successfully fight the global war on terror, he complains, suggesting
that perhaps a new institution should be created either within DoD
or elsewhere one that seamlessly focuses the capabilities of several
departments and agencies on this key problem.
Rumsfeld writes that the war against al-Qaida has so far yielded only
mixed results and that US forces have made somewhat
slower progress tracking down the Taliban in Afghanistan.
Perhaps most strikingly, he indicates that the Pentagon has never devised
specific benchmarks for assessing progress in its anti-terrorism campaign.
Today, we lack metrics to know if we are winning or losing the global
war on terror, he adds.
Are we capturing, killing or deterring and dissuading more terrorists
every day than the madrassas (Islamic schools) and the radical clerics
are recruiting, training and deploying against us? he asks, exclaiming
later, the cost-benefit ratio is against us! Our cost is billions
against the terrorists costs of millions ... Is our current situation
such that the harder we work, the behinder we get?
On the record, administration officials described the memo as a reflection
of just the kind of critical process that is needed to prevail in a long,
drawn-out war. Off the record, they admitted the questions were not exactly
ones that inspired confidence.
The Democrats jumped on the leak. Secretary Rumsfeld is only now
acknowledging what weve known for some time, said retired
Gen Wesley Clark, who is running for the Democratic presidential nomination,
that this administration has no plan for Iraq and no long-term strategy
for fighting terrorism.
|
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfelds memo
on the war on terror (full text):
October 16, 2003
TO: Gen. Dick Myers, Paul Wolfowitz, Gen. Pete Pace, Doug Feith
FROM: Donald Rumsfeld
SUBJECT: Global War on Terrorism
The questions I posed to combatant commanders this week were: Are
we winning or losing the Global War on Terror? Is DoD changing fast
enough to deal with the new 21st century security environment? Can
a big institution change fast enough? Is the USG changing fast enough?
DoD has been organized, trained and equipped to fight big armies,
navies and air forces. It is not possible to change DoD fast enough
to successfully fight the global war on terror; an alternative might
be to try to fashion a new institution, either within DoD or elsewhere
one that seamlessly focuses the capabilities of several departments
and agencies on this key problem.
With respect to global terrorism, the record since September 11th
seems to be:
We are having mixed results with Al Qaida, although we have put
considerable pressure on them nonetheless, a great many remain
at large.
USG has made reasonable progress in capturing or killing the top
55 Iraqis.
USG has made somewhat slower progress tracking down the Taliban
Omar, Hekmatyar, etc.
With respect to the Ansar Al-Islam, we are just getting started.
Have we fashioned the right mix of rewards, amnesty, protection
and confidence in the US?
Does DoD need to think through new ways to organize, train, equip
and focus to deal with the global war on terror?
Are the changes we have and are making too modest and incremental?
My impression is that we have not yet made truly bold moves, although
we have made many sensible, logical moves in the right direction,
but are they enough?
Today, we lack metrics to know if we are winning or losing the global
war on terror. Are we capturing, killing or deterring and dissuading
more terrorists every day than the madrassas and the radical clerics
are recruiting, training and deploying against us?
Does the US need to fashion a broad, integrated plan to stop the
next generation of terrorists? The US is putting relatively little
effort into a long-range plan, but we are putting a great deal of
effort into trying to stop terrorists. The cost-benefit ratio is
against us! Our cost is billions against the terrorists costs
of millions.
Do we need a new organization?
How do we stop those who are financing the radical madrassa schools?
Is our current situation such that the harder we work, the
behinder we get?
It is pretty clear that the coalition can win in Afghanistan and
Iraq in one way or another, but it will be a long, hard slog.
Does CIA need a new finding?
Should we create a private foundation to entice radical madradssas
to a more moderate course?
What else should we be considering?
Please be prepared to discuss this at our meeting on Saturday or
Monday.
Thanks.
|
Occupation is not liberation, protesters
say

50,000 people marched to the White House and Justice Department
on Oct. 25 to call for withdrawal of the 130,000 US troops stationed in
Iraq and to end the US occupation.Photo courtesy DC Indymedia
By Katherine Stapp
Washington, DC, Oct 26 (IPS) The US capital saw its first massive
protest since the George W. Bush administration declared victory in Iraq,
as 50,000 people marched to the White House and Justice Department on
Oct. 25 to call for withdrawal of the 130,000 US troops stationed in the
Middle Eastern nation and to end the US occupation.
The rally was organized by ANSWER (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism)
and United For Peace and Justice.
More than 20,000 people also marched in San Francisco, according to organizers,
and thousands turned out for smaller rallies in dozens of US cities.
As usual with protests in DC during the Bush presidency, Bush was out
of town and spent the weekend at the Camp David presidential retreat in
Maryland.
In Washington, the dozens of speakers included civil rights leader and
presidential candidate Reverend Al Sharpton, who slammed the expensive
military operations and reconstruction package just approved by the US
Congress.
Opponents fear that much of the money will be squandered on lucrative
sweetheart contracts to companies like Halliburton, of which Vice President
Dick Cheney is a former top executive.
Dont give Bush 87 billion [dollars], dont give him 87
cents; give our troops a ride home, Sharpton said.
The mother of anti-war resister Stephen Funk took to the podium and initially
stated that her son was reluctant to speak out while being enlisted in
the American armed forces.
However, he eventually said that I refuse to surrender my dignity,
Funks mother recounted. My son uttered these words in an effort
to stop countless of others from destroying themselves and our planet.
For speaking his mind and exercising his constitutional rights of free
speech he was court-martialed by the military and sentenced to six months
in detention. We stand in complete support of those in the military who
wish to get out.
Marchers also lambasted the administrations failure to find any
weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, carrying signs that read Bush
Lied, Thousands Died, No War For Empire, and Occupation
is no Liberation. No arrests were reported.
Larry Syverson came to Washington from Richmond, Virginia, where he protests
three times a week in front of the federal courthouse with a placard bearing
photographs of his two sons Branden, stationed with the Fourth
Infantry Division in Tikrit, Iraq and Bryce, a gunner with the Bradley
First Armoured Division in Baghdad. They will be deployed there for at
least another year, he says.
At first, [the Iraqi] people were very friendly to them, offering
food, juice, homemade bread, Syverson said. Now children throw
rocks at them. From their letters, Ive seen a real deterioration
in the relationship between the populace and the troops.
Every day, the news talks about another soldier killed, Syverson
said. Im afraid people will start to grow complacent. Im
here to put a face on these soldiers. I hope people will think twice about
why were there.
It took 50,000 [US] dead before we pulled out of Vietnam,
he added. We dont need to wait until were at 50,000.
One is too much.
The Washington march also fell on the second anniversary of the passage
of the USA PATRIOT Act, which greatly expanded the governments domestic
spying powers and, rights activists say, created a discriminatory system
of religious and racial profiling.
Americas immigration policy is misguided, said Samar
Shams of the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, citing secret
trials, the imprisonment of people indefinitely without charge or conviction,
and the forced registration of more than 100,000 people from a list of
mostly Arab or Muslim countries.
If you think this doesnt affect Americans you are misguided,
she told the crowd gathered in front of the Washington Monument. These
measures are not counter-terrorism, theyre counterproductive.
According to Hallie Joyce, from Pensacola, Florida, the site of a huge
naval air base, I know right from wrong, and this is just wrong
even evil, she said.
There are a lot of people in my hometown who are against the war
and occupation, but we feel like weve been silenced. Its fundamentalism
versus fundamentalism.
While bringing the troops home was the major theme of the rally, speakers
also called for more domestic spending on healthcare, education and job
creation.
The Raging Grannies, a womens group from throughout the United States
and Canada, entertained and inspired the crowd with anti-Bush and anti-war
songs that were parodies of the dominant political culture in America.
During the march, the Raging Grannies were set up on a street corner across
from the Independence Square and performed to the multitudes of peace
activists marching down the streets. One song which critiqued the economics
of war said follow the money, fund peace not war.
Other speakers at the rally included former Attorney General Ramsey Clark,
who is mounting a campaign to impeach President George Bush for what he
described as the destruction of both Afghanistan and Iraq.
Organizers of the march announced two other days of protests. One will
take place during the federal holiday around the birthday of Martin Luther
King, Jr. in January and the other will be on Mar. 20, to mark the first
anniversary of the US military invasion of Iraq and its subsequent occupation.
Additional info: Pan-African News Wire
Cuba vote shows Bushs waning authority
Analysis by Jim Lobe
Washington, DC, Oct 24 (IPS) The unexpectedly lop-sided vote by
the Republican-led US Senate on Oct. 23 to end a 40-year ban on US citizens
traveling to Cuba marks another embarrassing defeat for President George
W. Bush.
Less than two weeks ago the president announced new measures to make it
more difficult for people who travel to the Caribbean island illegally.
The 59-36 vote to lift the ban also signals Bushs weakening hold
on fellow Republicans in Congress, who are trying to assert greater independence
from the administration as they have watched the presidents approval
ratings plummet from around 80 percent last spring to less than 50 percent
one year before the 2004 elections. A total of 19 Republican senators
voted against Bushs position.
This would have been inconceivable six months ago, said one
Congressional aide after the Senate vote on Cuba. But its
clear that more Republicans are willing to vote against the president.
The vote, which prompted an immediate veto threat from the White House,
followed approval of an almost identical provision by the House on Sept.
9. In spite of furious lobbying by the Republican leadership, 53 Republicans
voted with a strong majority of Democrats to end travel restrictions.
Because both houses approved the same wording, which is now attached to
the 2004 Transportation-Treasury appropriations bill, it will be much
more difficult for the Republican congressional leadership to delete or
amend the provision in the House-Senate conference committee,
which must reconcile the two pieces of legislation before the final bill
can be sent to the president.
White House officials told reporters a veto was likely if the provision
survives the conference committee.
Bushs consistent hard line toward Havana is aimed primarily at ensuring
the Republican loyalties of Cuban-American voters in the key battleground
state of Florida.
The vote was the first time that the Senate, which had previously approved
exempting food and medicine from Washingtons 42-year trade embargo
against Cuba, voted to lift the ban on travel there.
The large margin of victory caught even some supporters by surprise, particularly
because several Republican senators who voted to back the president, including
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Richard Lugar, indicated they
thought the ban should be lifted, but that this is not the time to do
so, particularly given President Fidel Castros unexpectedly harsh
crackdown against dozens of dissidents this year.
Citing the recent crackdown, which included lengthy prison terms for some
of Cubas most distinguished dissidents, the administration has argued
that Castro has become ever more authoritarian and that providing new
sources of income through tourism would serve only to sustain the government
there.
Two weeks ago, Bush announced several steps he said were meant to speed
the coming of a new, free, democratic Cuba, including increasing
the number of Cuban immigrants allowed into the United States, creating
a commission to plan Cubas transition from Stalinist rule
to a free and open society, and tightening restrictions on travel
there by US citizens.
Under current US law, travel to Cuba is allowed for family reunions, study
and research and other limited purposes, but those exceptions are
too often used as a cover for illegal business travel and tourism, or
to skirt the restrictions on carrying cash into Cuba, Bush charged
in a brief White House rose garden appearance.
Illegal tourism perpetuates the misery of the Cuban people,
he added.
But supporters of lifting the ban, which, under the provision approved
by the House and Senate, would be done by denying the Treasury Department
funds to enforce it, have argued that denying citizens the right to travel
to Cuba simply perpetuates a policy that has never worked.
Coming just days after the presidents speech endorsing an
enforcement of the travel ban to Cuba, this is a clear vote of no confidence,
noted Anya Landau of the Center for International Policy, a think tank
that has lobbied for lifting the ban.
|