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ACLU says White House is engaged in
PATRIOT Act Misinformation Campaign
Washington, DC, Apr. 22 The American Civil
Liberties Union (ACLU) today released an item-by-item rebuttal to a
slew of false claims that President Bush made in Buffalo this week about
the controversial USA PATRIOT Act.
The presidents speech was misinformation, pure and simple,
said Anthony D. Romero, ACLU Executive Director. The administration
is making a series of deliberate misstatements to deceive the American
public.
In response to the presidents new campaign to remove the PATRIOT
Acts sunsets, the ACLU said it would prepare and release periodic
detailed rebuttals on White House misinformation. Romero noted that
the ACLU has taken similar issue with information presented by Attorney
General John Ashcroft and produced a report, Seeking Truth From
Justice: The Justice Departments Campaign to Mislead The Public
About the USA PATRIOT Act.
Point-by-point rebuttal
The President: By the way, the reason I bring up the PATRIOT Act,
its set to expire next year. Im starting a campaign to make
it clear to members of Congress that it shouldnt expire. It shouldnt
expire for the security of our country.
The Truth: Less that 10 percent of the PATRIOT Act expires; most of
the law is permanent and those portions that do sunset will not do so
until Dec. 31, 2005.
The President: And that changed, the law changed on- roving wiretaps
were available for chasing down drug lords. They werent available
for chasing down terrorists, see?
The Truth: Roving wiretaps were available prior to Sept. 11 against
drug lords and terrorists. Prior to the law, the FBI could get a roving
wiretap against both when it had probable cause of crime for a wiretap
eligible offense. What the PATRIOT Act did is make roving wiretaps available
in intelligence investigations supervised by the secret intelligence
court without the judicial safeguards of the criminal wiretap statute.
The President:
see, Im not a lawyer, so its
kind of hard for me to kind of get bogged down in the law. (Applause).
Im not going to play like one, either. (Laughter.) The way I viewed
it, if I can just put it in simple terms, is that one part of the FBI
couldnt tell the other part of the FBI vital information because
of the law. And the CIA and the FBI couldnt talk.
The Truth: The CIA and the FBI could talk and did. As Janet Reno wrote
in prepared testimony before the Sept. 11 commission, There are
simply no walls or restrictions on sharing the vast majority of counterterrorism
information. There are no legal restrictions at all on the ability of
the members of the intelligence community to share intelligence information
with each other.
With respect to sharing between intelligence investigators and
criminal investigators, information learned as a result of a physical
surveillance or from a confidential informant can be legally shared
without restriction.
While there were restrictions placed on information gathered by
criminal investigators as a result of grand jury investigations or Title
III wire taps, in practice they did not prove to be a serious impediment
since there was very little significant information that could not be
shared.
The President: Thirdly, to give you an example of what were
talking about, theres something called delayed-notification search
warrants.
We couldnt use these against terrorists [before
the PATRIOT Act], but we could use it against gangs.
The Truth: Delayed-notification -- or so-called sneak-and-peek search
warrants -- were never limited to gangs. The circuit courts that had
authorized them in limited circumstances prior to the PATRIOT Act did
not limit the warrants to the investigation of gangs. In fact, terrorism
or espionage investigators did not necessarily have to go through the
criminal courts for a covert search - they could do so with even fewer
safeguards against abuse by going to a top secret foreign intelligence
court in Washington.
For criminal sneak-and-peek warrants, the PATRIOT Act added a catch-all
argument for prosecutors -- if notice would delay prosecution or jeopardize
an investigation - which makes these secret search warrants much easier
to obtain.
The presidents sneak-and-peek misstatement clearly demonstrates
that the Patriot Act is not limited to terrorism. In fact, many of the
laws expanded authorities can clearly be used outside the war
on terrorism.
The President: Judges need greater authority to deny bail to terrorists.
The Truth: The new presumptive detention that the president is proposing
takes judicial authority away from the bail process. The presumption
would take away the prosecutions burden of showing that the accused
is a danger or flight risk and instead puts it on the accused.
Presidential recklessness with the facts is deeply troubling,
Romero said. Well be watching the president and his statements
very closely during this campaign. He is clearly fighting a losing,
defensive battle for the PATRIOT Act.
President Bush clearly is attempting to silence his critics within
the Republican Party, who believe that the PATRIOT Act went too far,
too fast, Romero added.
Source: ACLU
PATRIOT II
On Apr. 21, a key House subcommittee considered a proposal to expand
the PATRIOT Acts controversial definition of terrorism
to provide a death penalty for any federal crime punishable by more
than one year in prison if the crime was intended to influence government
policy and results in death.
The proposed legislation would do two things. First, it would make 23
crimes eligible for the death penalty. Second, it would create an unprecedented
catch-all death penalty for any other federal crime punishable
by more than a year in prison if it meets the PATRIOT Acts overbroad
definition of terrorism and results in death. The ACLU said that protestors
and activists from groups including Greenpeace and Operation Rescue
could risk being sentenced to death for participating in certain civil
disobedience events if they involved a federal crime punishable by more
than a year in prison and resulted in a death of one of the participants
or someone else.
Laws such as the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act and
the federal gun control regime at 18 U.S.C. § 922, among many other
crimes, could carry death sentences if the bill passed.
Source: ACLU
March against IMF World Bank mostly peaceful
By Jasmine Armour
Washington, DC, Apr. 26(AGR) -- On Saturday, Apr. 24 in Washington,
DC roughly 3,000 people, with only two arrests, marched from Franklin
Square Park to the World Bank and back again in protest of the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Banks policies. Traditionally, the
annual actions in DC against these financial institutions have been
attempts to shut down their annual meetings, which have taken place
every April in DC for the past 60 years. This year, all of the events,
including a three day symbolic fast, were permitted, which allowed for
a street festival type of atmosphere.
The park across the street from the World Bank saw the beginning of
the weekends protests against economic policies that continue
to spark resistance all over the world. On Friday Apr. 23, there was
a street theater performance discussing the destructive qualities of
IMF and World Bank policies that drew the attention of local media,
and those out on the street around noon in the financial district of
DC, across the street from the World Bank. The International Accountability
Projects three day symbolic fast also started on Apr. 23. There
were scattered groups in the park that day, participating and observing,
in contrast to a heavy police presence, and the foundation for very
solid barricades surrounding the park.
The Apr. 24 march was organized by the Mobilization for Global Justice
(MGJ), a group that was thoroughly prepared to deal with possible arrests,
despite permits, and meeting as many of the needs of the activists coming
from around the country, as possible. The idea for this years
resistance in DC was to have a festival celebrating a vision of another
world, as opposed to an attempt to stop the annual IMF and World Bank
meetings.
The MGJ events happened almost entirely without incident. The day started
at noon with a cacerolazo, a festive Argentinian style of protest adopted
by the MGJ, in Franklin Square Park. Around 1:20 pm the march started
after a performance by David Rovics, and a few speakers representing
different groups against IMF and World Bank policies. The march was
headed by a truck with a portable sound-system and a host of speakers
and poets in the back. The route wound its way through the streets of
DC, stopping off at various corporations, such as Halliburton, Bechtel,
and Vivendi, that profit off World Bank and IMF policies. The march
finally reached the turnaround point of the World Bank itself.
Two arrests happened on Apr. 24 right before the march turned around
somewhere around 18 and I streets, according to eyewitness reports.
Abdulla Alnouri said this of one the arrests, The first arrest
I
saw this line of cops breaking through the black bloc, I didnt
know what was going on, I was shoved, I saw people elbowed in the face,
people were definitely falling down, and the cops grabbed someones
arm.
An anonymous eyewitness said this of the arrest they saw: They
were rough with him, they had four cops on him.
None of the eyewitnesses reported heard any police orders issued to
the crowd before the arrests were made. The charges were brought down
from felony destruction of property, to misdemeanor destruction of property
for the two arrestees.
Despite aspersions cast on activists associated with World Bank and
IMF protests, everyone present seemed to be in no mood for confrontation.
One eyewitness said this of activists he saw actually confronted with
a police order, I was over on the other side of the park, and
a couple of kids had gotten up in a tree, with duct tape and signs,
and had duct taped signs to the tree, and the police just came up and
told them to get up there and take the signs down, essentially, the
things pretty much over and winding down, they didnt want
any hassle or anything like that, so just to take it down, and they
left them alone, and the cops left.
Though there were many heavy police barricades, and a vast police presence,
people involved in the Apr. 24 events seemed be in the festive mood
all day. MGJ organizer Jon Spulnick said of April 24, I would
definitely say it was success, for two reasons -- the first is the fact
that we can make a better world, that we can have all these people come
together. The second reason is that we need to be in it for the long
haul. This is just one step in many, many more protests, and community
building actions, and liberations; in that sense, we built a relationship.
We learned a lot about what needs to be done besides the mass protest.
This year is the 60 anniversary of the IMF and World Bank meeting, and
creating various financial policies activists say that dont meet
the needs of the people in countries around the world that are being
redeveloped, as IMF and World Bank funded mining projects
and dams are wreaking environmental havoc in these nations. Protesters
contend that the cause of corporate globalization is responsible for
a nationwide loss of jobs for US industry workers. Overall, these financial
institutions are running unchecked by any organizations, governmental
or otherwise, outside of themselves leaving them unaccountable for their
actions.
The Mobilization for Global Justice is just one group in a worldwide
resistance against the IMF and World Bank. The MGJ has helped organize
the DC protests against the IMF and World Bank every year since April
2000.
They have several demands of the IMF and World Bank including: open
all IMF and World Bank meetings to the public, cancel all impoverished
country debt using the institutions own resources, end all IMF
and World Bank policies that hinder peoples access to food, clean
water, shelter, healthcare, education, and the right to organize. As
well as stopping all World Bank support for socially, and environmentally
destructive projects such as oil, gas, mining activities, and dams that
include forced relocation of people. Finally, they demand that the US
government, the largest shareholder, and most influential government
in the IMF and World Bank, adopt the MGJ demands, and work to make the
IMF and World Bank implement them.
Negroponte: From Honduran death squads
to Baghdads embassy
Compiled by Bud Howell
Apr. 29 (AGR) The George W. Bush administrations
chief US administrator in Iraq, Paul Bremer, will soon be replaced
as the most senior American representative in Baghdad. Pending Senate
confirmation, John D. Negroponte is set to become the new US ambassador
to Iraq. Negropontes Foreign Service career spanning
nearly four decades and eight postings on several continents
includes his 2001 appointment by Bush as American ambassador to the
United Nations.
The nomination, which was formally announced on Apr. 20, comes despite
Negropontes direct role in illegal arms dealing, drug trafficking
and human rights abuses throughout Central America in the 1980s.
Under President Reagan, Negroponte was named US ambassador to Honduras
in 1981. From then until 1985, Negroponte played a key role in the
Iran-Contra affair. During Negropontes tenure, human rights
violations in Honduras became methodical.
According to a detailed investigation in 1995 by the Baltimore Sun,
while Negroponte was the US ambassador to Honduras from 1981 to 1985
he supervised a CIA-trained Honduran army death squad. Known as Battalion
3-16, it kidnapped, tortured and killed hundreds of political opponents
of the right-wing Honduran government, including US missionaries.
Negroponte also supervised the creation of the El Aguacate air base,
which Honduran critics said was used by the CIA and the Honduran military
as a secret detention and torture center during the 1980s.
Speaking of Negroponte and other senior US officials, ex-Honduran
congressman Efrain Diaz told the Baltimore Sun: Their attitude
was one of tolerance and silence. They needed Honduras to loan its
territory more than they were concerned about innocent people being
killed.
In August 2001, excavations at the base uncovered the corpses of 185
people, including two US missionaries.
When Bush announced Negropontes appointment as UN ambassador
in early 2001, it was met with widespread protests in the US because
of his role in Honduras and Iran-Contra. However, a Senate investigation
of Negropontes involvement in the murderous activities of Battalion
3-16 was stymied when the Bush administration suddenly deported from
the US several former members of Battalion 3-16.
Among those whose US visas were suddenly revoked was General Luis
Alonso Discua, the commander and founder of Battalion 3-16 and
at the time of the revoking of his diplomatic visa Honduras
deputy UN ambassador.
Nonetheless, Discua went public with details of US support of Battalion
3-16.
Negropontes nomination for the UN post was confirmed by the
US Senate in Sept. 2001.
In 1994, the Honduran Human Rights Commission published a report on
the activities of Battalion 3-16 which accused Negroponte of countless
human rights violations.
Critics charge that Negroponte knew about these human rights violations
and yet continued to collaborate with the Honduran military while
lying to Congress.
Negropontes predecessor, Jack Binns, had repeatedly warned Washington
to take a stand to stop the killings. In one cable, Binns reported
that Gen. Gustavo Alvarez Martinez was modeling his campaign against
suspected subversives on Argentinas dirty war in
the 1970s. President Reagan responded by removing Binns and appointing
Negroponte.
Negroponte, along with Elliot Abrams, another Iran-Contra conspirator
given a top foreign policy post by the current President Bush, also
facilitated Argentinian fascists in the 1980s.
During that time, Negroponte worked closely with Honduran Gen. Alvarez
to impose a national security state on the Argentine model
that is, a police state based on extra-judicial murder.
The Honduran military carried out systematic murders of refugees from
war-torn El Salvador and among its domestic opponents in Honduras
itself. Members of Battalion 3-16 reportedly used shock and
suffocation devices in interrogations. When no longer useful
to their interrogators, prisoners were often killed and buried in
unmarked graves. In 1982 alone, the Honduran press ran over 300 stories
of murders and kidnappings by the Honduran military.
Under Negroponte, US military aid to Honduras skyrocketed from $3.9
million to over $77 million. Much of this went to ensure the Honduran
armys loyalty in the battle against popular movements throughout
Central America. Negroponte sent Honduran soldiers to the US-run School
of the Americas, where they were trained in psychological warfare,
sabotage and many types of human rights violations, including torture
and kidnapping.
The Iran-Contra affair, sprung largely as an occupational response
to nationalist revolutions that denounced and jeopardized US-backed
regimes in two important client states, Nicaragua and Iran, was coordinated
secretly out of the White House. It involved hundreds of ex-CIA and
ex-military officers, a small armada of planes and ships, secret bank
accounts in Switzerland and Panama, and a vast fundraising program.
The recycling of key scandal figures such as Negroponte, into positions
of power over US foreign policy, is seen as a response to a wave of
rises to power by leaders opposed to US-prescribed free-market
economic policies. Critics argue that these policies are to blame
for exacerbating mass poverty and trampling human rights.
Although Binns had warned about the repressive measures undertaken
by the military-controlled regime, Negroponte consistently denied
the existence of death squads, political prisoners or politically
motivated killings by the Honduran Armed Forces.
Negroponte testified to Congress during his confirmation hearing to
become US ambassador to the UN in 2001: To this day, I do not
believe that death squads were operating in Honduras.
President Clintons last UN Ambassador, Richard Holbrooke, has
praised Negroponte. Coworker to Negroponte on Henry Kissingers
National Security Council during the 1970s, Holbrooke commented of
Negropontes appointment to the UN that We need a professional
on the job. If professional diplomats are penalized for carrying out
the instructions of their government, then were all in trouble.
Negropontes first overseas assignment as a career diplomat was
to the America embassy in Saigon in the mid-1960s. President George
Bush Sr. dubbed Negroponte ambassador to Mexico in 1989. There, Negroponte
directed US intelligence services to assist the war against the Zapatista
rebels of Chiapas. This service, among other posts, has given the
ambassador a reputation, even among some US diplomats who served with
him, for making sure human rights dont get in the way.
Sources: Baltimore Sun, Green Left Weekly,
Guardian (UK), National Catholic Reporter, New York Times, NISGUA,
San Francisco Examiner, WSWS
Time Line:
1981 President Reagan names John Negroponte US ambassador to Honduras,
beginning his involvement as a key figure in the Iran-Contra scandal.
1982 The Honduran press runs over 300 stories of murders and kidnappings,
all occurring under Negropontes ambassadorship, related to illegal
activities the CIA-trained Honduran military.
1987 Appointed Deputy Assistant to the President of National Security
Affairs.
1989 George H.W. Bush names Negroponte ambassador to Mexico; Negroponte
begins directing intelligence operations against the Zapatista rebels
of Chiapas.
1995 The Baltimore Sun publishes a report detailing activities of
death squadrons throughout Honduras; activities linked directly to
Negropontes position as ambassador.
1996 Citing his concealing reports of human rights abuses, the Human
Rights Research Center of Panama objects to Negropontes visiting
the Panama as a military advisor
2001 Negroponte becomes US ambassador to the UN. Days before his confirmation
hearing, several key witnesses to Negropontes Iran-Contra activities,
are suddenly deported from the US, thus disabling them from testimony.
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