No. 277, May 6 - 12, 2004

SECCIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

CULTURE





To read an article, click on the headline.

Walk like a warrior

Derrick Jensen: hopeless and free

Stage takes on the stupid box

Iraq: The Moon is Down, again!

Walk like a warrior

Reviewed by John Lapp

May 1 (AGR) — No snitchin; family first; each one teach one; be productive: these are the basic RBG code. RBG is a concept that Dead Prez created which stands for Revolutionary But Gangsta. Coincidentally RBG (released on Mar. 30) is also the title of the long awaited follow up to their 1998 Let’s Get Free album. In the six years between the two albums Dead Prez have become veritable legends within activist communities, playing shows in support of a variety of causes from a free tour of South Africa to playing at the 2003 anti-FTAA protests in Miami, Florida. The two are also very active in the Uhuru Movement, a movement focused on the liberation of African people in the US and throughout the world: “Uhuru means freedom,” according to the movement’s web site www.inpdum.org.

This album also comes at the heels of two mix tapes the politically charged duo released. The tapes were released on an independent label and the two called themselves DPZ, fearing that their record label Sony, might try to sue them for a breach of contract. The mix tapes were definitely underground gems; poking fun at mainstream hip-hop (mix tape volume 2 was titled Get Free or Die Trying, an obvious jab at 50 cent’s Get Rich or Die Trying) and attempting to break out a whole onslaught of a brand new revolutionary MCs.

Dead Prez’s newest release is certainly worth the long wait. It’s songs deal with a wide array of issues facing oppressed communities everywhere, from terrible minimum wage jobs to alcohol addiction. In “W-4” (an obvious reference to government welfare forms) the two express the daily pain that poor families go through everyday in order to stay alive. “What you know bout bein’ po’ seein’ most of yo kinfolk be on dope? Ain’t nobody in the hood got no hope in this fucked up system and that’s why we don’t vote.”

Another personal song is entitled “Fucked Up” in which the duo describes the painful fight they’ve had to wage against alcoholism and how important it is for people to not succumb to drinking if they intend to make real change: “I used to have a thing for conyak, nowah days I train for combat” is continually repeated as the song fades out.

The album also includes two songs that focus on physical and spiritual discipline. The track “50 in the Clip” is solely about the importance of doing push-ups in order to be able to, basically fight the police. “Way For Life” speaks to the oneness of mind and body. The lyrics to this song are all about “stayin committed when your hommies ain’t with it,” or basically, sticking to your training even if it isn’t the easiest thing to do.

One of the shinning moments of the album comes at the end of the track “I Have a Dream, Too” (a song about “turning drive bys revolutionary”) they list a long line of people who have fought back throughout history -- Assata Shakur, Leonard Peltier -- and end the list by giving a shout outs to historical movements -- the Black Liberation Army, The Zapatistas -- and then shout “Black and Brown Power!” This simple display of love for past and present revolutionaries who come from a plurality of ethnic backgrounds seems to dispel all the ignorant white liberal rhetoric of Dead Prez being “racists.”

RBG features some very unlikely rap legends; such as the track “Walk Like A Warrior” that features Krayzie Bone from Bone Thugs-n- Harmony. KB’s rhyme is surprisingly revolutionary, ”and when we put em [cops] they graves, we toss them a donut and tell em we don’t surrender!” An even more unpredictable match up comes in the last track on the album, a remix of the song “Hell Yeah” that has “king of New York” Jay-z rapping the last verse, in which he tells the story of selling drugs in order to eat and getting hounded by the police, he shouts “you fucked up the hood, nigga right back to you!” at the end of the track.

Dead Prez’s newest album may upset some of the white liberals who buy it; because it talks about killing cops, and because of the concept of embracing gangs and trying to turn them into revolutionaries. And to that these supposed progressives have to consider two things: the Black Panther Party saw it’s largest recruiting base in the masses of young armed gangs that had proliferated with the increases of ghetto populations; and Dead Prez really couldn’t care less what you think, they are committed activists and renowned musicians.

Derrick Jensen: hopeless and free

By Dave Pike

May 3 (AGR) -- If you are hoping the war in Iraq will stop and peace come to the Middle East, you are doomed. First, you are presuming the combatants are able to stop. You are also presuming we live in a cultural framework that allows for peace. Lastly, you are even ceding your possible personal intervention in the matter by hoping instead of acting.

When author Derrick Jensen spoke at Malaprop’s café and bookstore in Asheville Sunday, Apr. 19, he spelled out some of his major critiques of civilization in a similar manner. Preferring to speak on his book-in-progress dealing with bringing down civilization and cheered by the crowd to do so, he asked people to begin recognizing the structure of our culture and the terrible destruction demanded by its design. Jensen’s idea is that when someone starts by breaking the unwritten rule of looking at and even talking about the underpinnings of the dominant culture, i.e. civilization, that person collapses an entire wall hiding a history of pain, a murderous present and a very doubtful future. For people who think “we” have progressed as a society, Derrick Jensen’s work as a critic of civilization will either destroy their worldview or entirely confuse them when the all too common mechanisms of denial kick in.

Jensen draws clear analogies of present-day culture to aspects of the Nazi Third Reich — indeed, fascism, as per Benito Mussolini, is only the merger of state and corporate power. He cited how when Third Reich doctors operated in the concentration camps, they reportedly did their best to aid and comfort the prisoners. They apparently did whatever they could for those in their care, everything except question the over lying framework of forced labor until death, conscious de-humanizing of whole ethnic groups, and the mass eugenics program of The Final Solution for creating a master race.

Today, corporate and state power are as merged as ever, the master race could be seen as the human race and the new eugenics as being carried out through genetic engineering. However, human life, too, seems to be nearly as cheap as animal and plant life, particularly when you’re not ‘white’ or ‘male.’ No, the master race is not even a living being; it’s the ludicrous race to more, bigger, and forever.

Jensen defines civilization as “a way of life characterized by the growth of cities” and cities as “a grouping (not a community) of people large enough to require the importation of resources.” Showing the trend, the Population Reference Bureau in Washington DC reported in the year 2000 that about 47 percent of the world’s population, about 2.8 billion, lived in urban areas. This coming up from 3 percent in 1800 and using a definition of urban different than Jensen’s.

The planet may, by optimistic estimates, be able to sustain the current population— the current human population that is. Everything else would have to be bent to the yoke of industrial culture. And the managers will have to act quick with ocean fish stocks crashing, species extinction speeding up, global climate change an accepted fact by most of the world’s researchers, dead zones forming in the oceans, and the world’s phytoplankton — a foundation for life on earth — now showing a fall.

Derrick Jensen explains his books A Language Older Than Words, The Culture of Make Believe and the upcoming one on taking down civilization as a trilogy dealing with the psychological, social, and physical aspects respectively of an irredeemable culture. In dealing with this subject, and the actual reality as a survivor of sexual and physical abuse by his father, he gives real advice. Instead of wanting to kill himself in the face of such a desperate situation, he points out the utter beauty of life. The culture is fucked; life is beautiful. He also recommends allowing the pain to come and learning to live with despair along with all the other emotions human beings are capable of. His experience is that the immense pain kills hope and when hope dies, new freedom comes:

“When you give up on hope… it kills you. You die. There’s a wonderful thing about being dead which is that once you’re dead, those in power can’t touch you anymore — not through promises, not through threats, not through violence itself. Once you’re dead in this way, you can still sing, you can still dance, you can still make love, you can still fight like hell, you can still live because you are still alive. … The socially constructed you died, the civilized you died, the manufactured, fabricated, stamped, molded you died. The victim died.”

Jensen also rejects the other common reaction to a dying world—partying—as simply a failure to truly love, an avoidance. Love, he points out, does not, however, imply pacifism. Passionate love actually gives reason for defending those loved by all necessary means. As people living in this system to varying degrees, we all have some amount of blood on our hands already. Dealing with this, realizing the violence used by the powers that be to keep the status quo and choosing our actions consciously and strategically is essential. “We are in a very complex and difficult situation; It is our responsibility and our joy to attempt to discern right action. Don’t be blanket ‘this is good, this is bad.’”

This and his exhortation to give up on hope, show his willingness to really go out on a limb. Asking people to go to the point of personality (ego) breakdown in the hope they will not turn into cold-blooded killers could be brave, except Jensen claims to not hope for anything. He acts as his own agent in the world as an author of heretical books. How did he make it through despair to hopeless compassion? How do so many Palestinian bombers, ghetto gang-bangers, and US Marines find murder so easy?

I know I have also walked the clear-cuts, seen the ovens at Auschwitz, had my sister mangled by a late-working car culture, my aunts and uncles pushing smiles through life with cancer. My luck was and is the privilege of having time to contemplate and concentrate my awareness of what matters most to me. Rich and poor may be an enforced delusion of the economic system as Jensen claims, but faith creates reality for the faithful. I guess that’s another limb to go out on.

Self-proclaimed ‘Recruiter for the Revolution’ Derrick Jensen’s work can now be found on Chelsea Green Publishing and also includes:

Listening to the Land, Strangely Like War: The Global Assault on Forests
with George Draffan and Walking On Water: Reading Writing and Revolution.

His other book in progress is on surveillance and the machine culture due out this summer.

Stage takes on the stupid box

Stefania Milan

Rome, Italy, May 1 (IPS) — Ambra Jovinelli, an old theater inaugurated in 1909, is filled with spectators looking forward to an evening away from the ‘stupid box’. The crowd is oddly uniform in its diversity: an array of intellectuals and alternative-looking thirty-and forty-somethings.

Political theatre is not new in Italy, but it has flourished in response to the control wielded over private and public television by Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi.

The show ‘Radio Clandestina’ (Clandestine Radio) by Ascanio Celestini is a political monologue spattered with witticisms and scorn, a rumination on how Rome came to be what it is today, and updated with constant references to current politics.

Celestini’s play is only one among a dozen plays listed on the billboards.

“The actor is a story-teller who provides the spectators with a context to better understand the facts,” 25-year-old theatre-goer Chiara D’Ambros told IPS. “In politics it is difficult to know where the truth lies. After the representation, you have no answers, but more questions, different points of view. This is why I go to theater.”

It was called the narration theater until four years ago. “After the Italian political situation changed, it has been renamed political theater,” 33-year-old Celestini said.

“We reveal history through real stories,” Celestini said. ” Our theater is the product of the investigative stories that Italian journalists do not do any more, especially on TV. People need theater exposing real facts now because there is an empty space left by the media.” Italy was rated only “partly free” in a survey published Apr. 28 due to increased media concentration and subsequent political pressure. This is the first time since 1988 that the media in a Western European country has been rated “partly free.” The survey was conducted by Freedom House, a non-profit organization based in Washington.

Berlusconi controls 95 percent of Italian television, according to the European Federation of Journalists.

“Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi has been able to exert undue influence over the public broadcaster RAI,” says Karin Deutsch Karlekar, managing editor for the survey. “This further exacerbates an already worrisome media environment characterized by unbalanced coverage within Berlusconi’s enormous media empire.”

Berlusconi’s extensive family business holdings run three of the seven largest private television stations (Rete 4, Canale 5 and Italia 1), one newspaper (Il Giornale), the biggest Italian publishing house (Mondadori), and a film production house (Medusa). His business also has a significant portion of the advertising market.

As head of government, he controls also the three public channels (RAI).

Some actors and journalists have been “silenced” under his charge. A satirical actor Sabina Guzzanti whose program was cancelled on public television after the first show (dedicated to a funny analysis of Berlusconi’s ‘conflict of interests’), migrated from television to stage.

Paolo Rossi, who created a show on the improbable theme of the Italian Constitution has also moved to stage.

Michele Santoro, who ran a political talk-show on TV, and the 84-year-old analyst Enzo Biagi had their shows cancelled in 2002 ”because they make criminal use of the public television,” Berlusconi said then.

In April last year, Reporters Sans Borders, an international association that defends press freedom worldwide, published a report on the “Italian anomaly,” asking without success for reinstatement of the dismissed journalists.

Following calls for reform, Italian legislators introduced the controversial “Gasparri law” last year in a reference to Communications Minister Maurizio Gasparri. The bill sought to allow increased cross-ownership of broadcast and print media.

Critics asserted, however, that the law was tailor-made to get around a court ruling adverse to Berlusconi’s media empire. The law reversed a decision that would have pushed Berlusconi’s company to move its station Rete 4 to less profitable satellite television.

The bill was presented in Parliament 19 months ago, but was rejected by the opposition five times. It was finally passed, but vetoed by Italian President Carlo Ciampi in December.

The Gasparri Law was finally endorsed by the Parliament Apr. 29. But until 2006 Rete 4 is safe and Berlusconi’s empire is not at risk.

“Just a few days before World Press Freedom day, Italian lawmakers have reinforced the most flagrant abuse of principles guaranteeing media diversity in the western world,” says Aidan White from the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) in a press release.

It is not clear whether the European Union will accept the law as it is. On Apr. 20, the European Parliament asked the European Commission to legislate urgently to curb media concentration within the Union, mentioning Italy as a negative example.

Fortunately the concentration is considerably less in the print media, which continues to be critical of the government. And in theater “you can hear many voices, not just one,” says Chiara D’Ambros.

Iraq: The Moon is Down, again!

By William Marina

Apr. 23 — Art, films and literature often offer insights that help to explain human situations perhaps better than does history. My favorite book on the integral interaction between occupiers and those being occupied, is John Steinbeck’s The Moon is Down (1942), shortly thereafter made into a film starring Cedric Hardwicke, Lee J. Cobb and Henry Travers. I first saw the film in the 1950s, but it is not shown these days.

It is a story about the German invasion of a small town in Norway in 1940 and the developing reactions of the inhabitants as the Nazis seek to insure that the mines nearby continue to send coal to the Third Reich’s war machine. Readers this year may be tempted to replace the term “Norway” with “Iraq,” “coal” with “oil,” and “Germany” with the phrase “Coalition.” The story even has a “fifth column” Ahmed Chalabi-like character, who sets up the town for an easy occupation, imagining he will be dearly beloved by the people.

The central confrontation of the book, however, is between Mayor Orden and the German officer in command, Col. Lanser, a Wehrmacht veteran of occupied Belgium over two decades earlier. Lanser urges cooperation rather than violence, which will lead, he warns, inevitably to more violence on the part of the Germans.

Woven through the plot are the increasingly violent acts of “the people.” Early on, Lanser’s mind wanders back to a friendly, old , gray-haired Belgian lady who killed 12 Germans with a 12 inch hat pin before she was caught and shot. He still retains the hat pin at home.

Of course, the violence begins at once, and the Germans retaliate on a much larger scale on the Norwegian people. At the same time, many of the German troops, yearning to go home and for some companionship, begin to develop various symptoms of psychological stress.

The Germans, like imperial conquerors back to the Romans and beyond, sought to legitimatize their occupation in the eyes of the people. They understood that quislings wouldn’t work in the long run. John Lukacs devoted a large part of his book, The Last European War: September, 1939-December, 1941, (1976) to demonstrating how they failed in a attempt to establish legitimacy over the nations of occupied Europe.

“Legitimacy,” to paraphrase, Franklin D. Roosevelt, “Ah, there’s the rub!” Incidentally, the movie version of the book opens with a quote from Roosevelt using the resistance of Norway to explain the meaning of W.W.II.

At the end, the quisling, having obtained authority from the Nazi command in Oslo, orders Col. Lanser to execute the old Mayor and the town doctor if the people begin to use the dynamite, dropped by parachute by British airplanes, to destroy the mine. As the explosions begin, the two are executed as the Mayor repeats an old speech he used many years before - the last words of Socrates to the Athenian people. It is clear the occupiers, despised by the people, are in for a long and bloody time ahead.

In a New York Times op-ed piece (4/11/04), “Nasty, Brutish and Short,” Thomas Friedman, mentions the word “legitimacy” four times and flip-flops on whether it can be bought with cash or compelled with force before finally concluding that the US cannot do so. He adds that with all of the retaliatory killing, “we have a staggering legitimacy deficit.” I wonder if legitimacy is something you can have in gradations as he suggests. Either one is an occupier, or one is not!

As reported in The London Telegraph, (4/11/04) among our major partners in the so-called “coalition,” the British senior officers, speaking anonymously, have already expressed a growing sense of “unease and frustration,” about American tactics in the occupation. Part of the problem, a British officer said, is that Americans tend to see the Iraqis as “untermenschen,” the term for “sub-humans.”

He continued: “The US troops view things in very simplistic terms. It seems hard for them to reconcile subtleties between who supports what and who doesn’t in Iraq. It’s easier for their soldiers to group all Iraqis as the bad guys. As far as they are concerned Iraq is bandit country and everybody is out to kill them.”

British rules of warfare allow troops to open fire only when attacked and to use the minimum force necessary and at identified targets-not a massive use of firepower in urban areas, as do the Israelis on the Palestinians and now American troops on the Iraqis.

In short, The Moon is Down again.

Source: OnPower.org.