No. 278, May 13 - 19, 2004

SECCIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

COMMENTARY





To read an article, click on the headline.

Torture as normalcy

Muzzling Michael, muzzling me

This torture started at the very top

 

 













Torture as normalcy

By Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair

May 8 — Torture’s back in the news, courtesy of those lurid pictures of exultant Americans laughing as they torture their Iraqi captives in Abu Ghraib prison run by the US military outside Baghdad. Apparently it takes electrodes and naked bodies piled in a simulated orgy to tickle America’s moral nerve ends. Kids maimed by cluster bombs just don’t do it any more. But torture’s nothing new. One of the darkest threads in postwar US imperial history has been the CIA’s involvement with torture, as instructor, practitioner or contractor.

Since its inception the CIA has taken a keen interest in torture, avidly studying Nazi techniques and protecting their exponents such as Klaus Barbie. The CIA’s official line is that torture is wrong and is ineffective. It is indeed wrong. On countless occasions it has been appallingly effective. Remember Dan Mitrione, kidnapped and killed by Uruguay’s Tupamaros and portrayed by Yves Montand in Costa-Gavras’s film State of Siege? In the late 1960s Mitrione worked for the US Office of Public Safety, part of the Agency for International Development. In Brazil, so A.J. Langguth (a former New York Times bureau chief in Saigon) related in his book Hidden Terrors, Mitrione was among the US advisers teaching Brazilian police how much electric shock to apply to prisoners without killing them.

In Uruguay, according to the former chief of police intelligence, Mitrione helped “professionalize” torture as a routine measure and advised on psychological techniques such as playing tapes of women and children screaming that the prisoner’s family was being tortured. In the months after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, “truth drugs” were hailed by some columnists such as Newsweek’s Jonathan Alter for use in the war against al-Qaida.

This was an enthusiasm shared by the US Navy after the war against Hitler, when its intelligence officers got on the trail of Dr. Kurt Plotner’s research into “truth serums” at Dachau. Plotner gave Jewish and Russian prisoners high doses of mescaline and then observed their behavior, in which they expressed hatred for their guards and made confessional statements about their own psychological makeup.

As part of its larger MK-ULTRA project, the CIA gave money to Dr. Ewen Cameron at McGill University. Cameron was a pioneer in the sensory-deprivation techniques. Cameron once locked up a woman in a small white box for thirty-five days, deprived of light, smell, and sound. The CIA doctors were amazed at this dose, knowing that their own experiments with a sensory-deprivation tank in 1955 had induced severe psychological reactions in less than forty hours. Start torturing, and it’s easy to get carried away.

Torture destroys the tortured and corrupts the society that sanctions it. Just like the FBI after Sept. 11, 2001 the CIA in 1968 got frustrated by its inability to break suspected leaders of Vietnam’s National Liberation Front by its usual methods of interrogation and torture. So the agency began more advanced experiments, in one of which it anesthetized three prisoners, opened their skulls and planted electrodes in their brains. They were revived, put in a room and given knives. The CIA psychologists then activated the electrodes, hoping the prisoners would attack one another. They didn’t. The electrodes were removed; the prisoners shot; and their bodies burned. You can read about it in our book, Whiteout.

In recent years the United States has been charged by the UN and also by human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International with tolerating torture in US prisons, by methods ranging from solitary, twenty-three-hour-a-day confinement in concrete boxes for years on end, to activating 50,000-volt shocks through a mandatory belt worn by prisoners? Many of the Military Police guards now under investigation for abuse of Iraqis earned their stripes working as guards in federal and state prisons, where official abuse is a daily occurence. Indeed, Charles Granier, one of the abusers at Abu Ghraib and the lover of Linndie England the Trailer Park Torturer, worked as a guard at South Carolina’s notorious Greene Correctional Unit and has since gone back to work there.

And as a practical matter torture is far from unknown in the interrogation rooms of US law enforcement, with Abner Louima, sodomized by a cop using a stick in one notorious recent example. The most infamous disclosure of consistent torture by a police department in recent years concerned cops in Chicago in the mid-70s through early 80s who used electroshock, oxygen deprivation, hanging on hooks, the bastinado, and beatings of the testicles. The torturers were white and their victims black or brown. A prisoner in California’s Pelican Bay State Prison was thrown into boiling water. Others get 50,000-volt shocks from stun guns.

Many states have so-called “secure housing units” where prisoners are kept in solitary in tiny concrete cells for years on end, many of them going mad in the process. Amnesty International has denounced US police forces for “a pattern of unchecked excessive force amounting to torture.” In 2000 the UN delivered a severe public rebuke to the United States for its record on preventing torture and degrading punishment. A 10-strong panel of experts highlighted what it said were Washington’s breaches of the agreement ratified by the United States in 1994. The UN Committee Against Torture, which monitors international compliance with the UN Convention Against Torture, has called for the abolition of electric-shock stun belts (1,000 in use in the US) and restraint chairs on prisoners, as well as an end to holding children in adult jails.

It also said female detainees are “very often held in humiliating and degrading circumstances” and expressed concern over alleged cases of sexual assault by police and prison officers. The panel criticized the excessively harsh regime in maximum security prisons, the use of chain gangs in which prisoners perform manual labor while shackled together, and the number of cases of police brutality against racial minorities.

So far as rape is concerned, because of the rape factories more conventionally known as the US prison system, there are estimates that twice as many men as women are raped in the US each year. A Human Rights Watch report in April of 2001 cited a December 2000 Prison Journal study based on a survey of inmates in seven men’s prison facilities in four states. The results showed that 21 percent of the inmates had experienced at least one episode of pressured or forced sexual contact since being incarcerated, and at least seven percent had been raped in their facilities.

A 1996 study of the Nebraska prison system produced similar findings, with 22 percent of male inmates reporting that they had been pressured or forced to have sexual contact against their will while incarcerated. Of these, more than 50 percent had submitted to forced anal sex at least once. Extrapolating these findings to the national level gives a total of at least 140,000 inmates who have been raped.

Source: CounterPunch

Muzzling Michael, muzzling me
Hands off the fat guy in the chicken suit, Mr. Mogul

By Greg Palast

May 6 — When the fattened cats at Disney put the kibosh on Michael Moore’s new film, Fahrenheit 9-11, they did more than censor an artist. Gagging Moore is only the latest maneuver in suppressing some most uncomfortable facts: the Bush Administration’s killing off investigations of Saudi Arabian funding of terror including evidence involving a few members of the bin Laden family in the USA.

I know because with my investigative team at BBC television and The Guardian of Britain, I wrote and filmed the original reports on which Moore’s new documentary are based.

On Nov. 11, 2001, just two months after the attack, BBC Television’s Newsnight displayed documents indicating that FBI agents were held back from investigating two members of the bin Laden family, who were fronting for a “suspected terrorist organization” out of Falls Church, Virginia -- that is, until Sept. 13, 2001. By that time, these birds had flown. We further reported that upper level agents in the US government informed BBC that the Bush Administration had hobbled the investigation of Pakistan’s Khan Laboratories, which ran a flea market in atomic bomb blueprints. Why were investigators stymied? Because the money trail led back to the Saudis.

The next day, our Guardian team reported that agents were constrained in following the money trail from an extraordinary meeting held in Paris in 1996. There, in the Hotel Monceau Royale, Saudi billionaires allegedly agreed to fund al-Qaida’s “educational” endeavors. Those stories ran at the top of the nightly news in Britain and worldwide but not in the USA. Why?

Our news teams picked up several awards including one I particularly hated getting: a Project Censored Award from California State University’s school of journalism. It’s the prize you get for a very important story that is simply locked out of the American press. And that hurts. I’m an American, an LA kid sent into journalistic exile in England.

What’s going on here?

Why the heck can’t agents follow the money, even when it takes them to Arabia? Because, as we heard repeatedly from those muzzled inside the agencies, Saudi money trails lead back to George H.W. Bush and his very fortunate sons and retainers. We at BBC reported that too, at the top of the nightly news, everywhere but America.

Why are America’s media barons afraid to tell this story in the USA? The BBC and Guardian stories were the ugly little dots connected by a single theme: oil contamination in American politics and money poisoning in the blood of our most powerful political family. And that is news that dare not speak its name.

This is not the first time that Michael Moore attempted to take our BBC investigative reports past the US media border patrol. In fact, our joke in the London newsroom is that if we can’t get our story on to American airwaves, we can just slip it to the fat guy in the chicken suit. Moore could sneak it past the censors as “entertainment.” Here’s an example of Moore’s underground railroad operation to bring hard news to America: In the Guardian and on BBC TV, I reported that Florida’s then Secretary of State, Katherine Harris, removed tens of thousands of Black citizens from voter rolls just prior to the 2000 election. Her office used a list of supposed “felons” -- a roster her office knew was baloney, filled almost exclusively with innocents. I printed the first installment of that story in the Guardian papers while Al Gore was still in the race. The Washington Post ran my story seven months later. By then, it could be read with a chuckle from the Bush White House.

The Black voter purge story would have never seen the light of day in the USA, despite its front-page play over the globe, were it not for Moore opening his book, Stupid White Men, with it. So go ahead, Mr. Mickey Mouse mogul, censor the guy in the baseball cap; let the movie screens go dark; spread the blindness that is killing us. Instead, show us fake fly-boys giving the “Mission Accomplished” thumbs up. It’s so much easier, with the lights off, for the sheiks, who lend their credit cards to killers, to jack up the price of oil while our politicians prepare the heist of the next election, this time by computer. Let’s not kid ourselves. Tube news in the USA is now thoroughly Fox-ified and print, with few exceptions, still kow-tows to the prevaricating pronouncements of our commander in chief.

Maybe I’m getting too worked up. After all, it’s just a movie.

But choking off distribution of Moore’s film looks suspiciously like a hunt and destroy mission on unwanted news, even when that news is hidden in a comic documentary. Why should the media moguls stop there? How about an extra large orange suit for Michael for the new Hollywood wing in Guantanamo?

Source: Znet

This torture started at the very top

By Ahdaf Soueif

May 5 — The media in this country is politely shocked at photos of Iraqis being tortured and humiliated by US and British soldiers. A BBC1 news presenter says the pictures seem to have been “merely mementos.” That’s all right, then. The folks at home will have a good laugh and paste them into the family album.

In the first half of the last century, the French in Algeria and Morocco used to send home postcards of prostitutes posing sullenly, with breasts bared and skirts pulled up to their thighs, over captions like “Le harem Arabe” or “Fille Mauresque.” The Americans have pushed it further: their pornography of occupation is at once more childish, playful, crude, and sinister than that of “old Europe.” Also, we assume the prostitutes were paid.

BBC commentators and British politicians have been reminding us that the soldiers’ activities “do not compare with Saddam Hussein’s systematic tortures and executions.” Hussein is now the moral compass of the west.

The media are fearful that these images will go down badly in the Arab world because “they show Muslim men being humiliated by American women.” Again the not-so-subtle reduction of the Arab world to an entity that reacts only to religious prodding. Actually the photographs have confirmed people’s belief that the US and Britain are not in Iraq as an act of goodwill. They have strengthened the feeling that there is a deep racism underlying the occupiers’ attitudes to Arabs, Muslims and the third world generally.

It was only a matter of time. In the past year the world has seen photos of many Iraqis stripped with their wrists tied behind their backs with plastic cord. At first we could look into their eyes and bear witness to what was happening. Then they were bagged. At no point was there an outcry.

We have grown used to seeing Arab men bound and hooded in the occupied territories and Gaza. Israel advises the US on how to control civilians and interrogate them. Ariel Sharon has made the Israeli army’s “rules of engagement” available to the US military. The world notes the similarity between the practices of the US army in Iraq and those of the Israeli army in Palestine. There is evidence that scenes like the ones now shocking the world have been common in Facility 1391 (Israel’s secret prison), and some say in other jails. We just haven’t seen the photos.

It is no use for US spokesmen to talk about “rogue elements,” how “contractors” are not answerable to the military, and how Staff Sergeant Chip Frederick had not read the Geneva conventions before taking charge of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. This abuse is going to turn out to be widespread. Amnesty International has already said it is systematic.

The acts in the photos being flashed across the networks would not have taken place but for the profound racism that infects the American and British establishments. At squaddie level, Sarah Oliver reported in the Mail on May 2 that “the British soldiers loathe the dirtiness of Iraq and the native population’s slothfulness, kleptomania, and determination to do as little as possible for themselves.”

There have been reports of US troops outside Falluja talking of the fun of being a sniper, of the different ways to kill people, of the “rat’s nest” that needs cleaning out. Some will say soldiers will be soldiers. But that language has been used by neocons at the heart of the US administration; both Kenneth Adelman and Paul Wolfowitz have spoken of “snakes” and “draining the swamps” in the “uncivilized parts of the world.” It is implicit in the US administration’s position that anyone who does not agree that all of history has been moving towards a glorious pinnacle expressed in the US political, ideological, and economic system has “rejected modernity;” that it is America’s mission to civilize and to punish.

I’ve seen a photo of a young American soldier with two Iraqi boys. There is no nakedness or torture, but it is no less nasty for that. The boys are holding a cardboard sign. They and the soldier are smiling and doing a thumbs up. He is pointing at the cardboard sign, on which he’s written: “Lcpl Boudreaux killed my Dad. then he knocked up my sister!” Imagine the scene: Lance Corporal Boudreaux, a soldier on a liberating, civilizing mission, asks the natives to pose for a “memento.” He gives them the sign to hold. What lie did he tell them about its message? “Iraq is liberated,” or “Mission accomplished?” And who, in this scene, is the more civilized?

The one good thing in all of this is that there are soldiers in the US and British armies who could not live with what was happening and who blew the whistle. The world needs to see the photos coming out of Iraq not as “deviant” but as an authentic message from the heart of the thought system that is seeking to control our planet.

Source: Guardian (UK)