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Mumia Abu-Jamals new book banned
in Indiana
By Alexander Dwinell
On Apr. 20, 2004, a copy of Mumia Abu-Jamals We Want Freedom:
A Life in the Black Panther Party (South End Press, 2004) was confiscated
by the Security Threat Group Coordinator of the Indiana Department of
Correction in Pendleton, Indiana. The official refused to allow Zolo
Agona Azania, a politically conscious activist currently on death row,
delivery of the book.
According to State Form 11984 the book was confiscated in accordance
with executive directive 9625 and specifically cited The Empire Strikes
Back: COINTELPRO Chapter Six, page #117 as the reason.
The page in question begins with a quotation from Hugo Black, Associate
Justice of the US Supreme Court, which reads, History should teach
us that in times of high emotional excitement, minority parties and
groups which advocate extremely unpopular social or governmental innovations
will always be typed as criminal gangs and attempts will always be made
to drive them out.
Officer Cornwell of the State of Indiana Department of Correction, when
asked to explain why We Want Freedom was confiscated, said, Probably
because it has gang signs.
The irony continues. In the suppressed chapter, Abu- Jamal, who, like
Azania, is on death row, writes about the perils of the government using
secrecy to hide their crimes against the people and the Constitution.
Drawing on documents made public in the famous Church Committee congressional
hearings of 1976, Abu-Jamal reveals the hidden hand of COINTELPRO. Apparently
for the State of Indiana, COINTELPRO, which officially ended in 1974,
is a state secret in 2004 and access to such information is a security
threat.
This is not the first time people have tried to silence what Alice Walker
describes as a rare and courageous voice speaking from a place
we fear to know. For the past 35 years (the last 22 of them from
death row) Abu-Jamal has sought to use his voice in the struggle for
freedom. The worlds most renowned political prisoner, Mumia (as
he is known throughout the world) was only 15 when he helped found the
first Philadelphia branch of the Black Panther Party. Now in his latest
and most political book to date, We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black
Panther Party, this incisive social commentator reexamines his days
in one of the most misunderstood revolutionary groups in US history.
With a poetic voice and critical gaze, We Want Freedom combines
memories of day-to-day life in the Party with rigorous analysis of the
Black liberation struggle. Abu- Jamal challenges historians who claim
that only the civil rights model was authentic, positioning the BPP
as an ahistorical aberration. He brilliantly locates the Party in a
centuries-long tradition of Black resistance, a legacy articulated in
Kathleen Cleavers sharp introduction as a disfavored history.
The roots of todays struggles are brought to the surface time
and again as Abu-Jamal examines the long history of resistance to slavery,
and racial politics in Philadelphia, and the FBIs subversion of
justice through COINTELPRO and earlier operations.
In an open, conversational style Abu-Jamal also remembers his personal
experience as a Party member, placing the reader in the life of the
average Black Panther. While many books on the BPP focus on the icons
of the Party, We Want Freedom conveys the everyday grit, love,
and dedication of the tens of thousands who called themselves Panthers.
As Amy Goodman of Democracy Now! puts it, Abu-Jamals powerful
memoir forges from the furnace of death row a moving, incisive,
and thorough history.
An award-winning journalist, Abu-Jamal began his writing career as Lieutenant
Minister of Information for the Philadelphia branch and for the Partys
national newspaper. He is regularly heard on a network of over 150 radio
stations and at http://www.prisonradio.org. In 2003 Abu-Jamal was declared
a Citizen of Paris, an award not accorded since the city bestowed it
upon Pablo Picasso in 1971. After years of international protests, on
Dec. 18, 2001, the US District Court overturned Abu-Jamals death
sentence, but upheld his conviction. This decision is being appealed
from both sides. As of October 2002, Abu-Jamals appeal is on hold
pending the state Supreme Courts ruling.
Source: South End Press
Making Peace
By Gary Gach
Apr. 27 Maxine Hong Kingstons long-anticipated
The Fifth Book of Peace (T5BP) just might be the first masterpiece
of the 21st century, a marvelous model for the juicy potentiality of
our new millennium. Until now peace has been seen as a mere hiatus between
wars. Things change. In February 2003, massive spontaneous demonstrations
broke out across the planet, preemptively decrying the war in Iraq as
an interruption of peace. Unprecedented.
So T5BP is curious because, as its subject is peace, theres
next to nothing to compare it to. Our tendency is to emphasize the first
half of the War and Peace equation. World literature abounds with classics
about war, whereas instances of peace make us pause to consider what
a rare bird it truly is.
Fittingly then, the book defies categorization, combining memoir, fiction
and journalism, with each clearly delineated. The net effect calls into
question not only division of genres but the very concept of separation.
The books plot is a search for peace that proves transformative
in the process. The opening is as heart-stoppingly harrowing as any
war diary, with the author caught in a landscape of overwhelming panic
and loss. A firestorm ravages her home in the Oakland hills, destroying
whole neighborhoods and killing several dozen people. So this book of
peace begins at its opposite, with a blaze consuming everything in its
path and creating its own boundaries as it devours the oxygen, the homes
and the lives surrounding it.
This initiatory section, called Fire, is followed by Paper, Water and
Earth. Using four elements as an organizational principle gives the
book a clear design to meditate on, with each element serving as a pictogram
written large over the four entrances of this giant temple of words.
The elements are, by definition, primary and essential but not discrete:
As they interact and interreact, a grander cumulative design emerges.
Paper (element of regeneration, wood) is an extended meditation on writing,
centered on the authors manuscript consumed in the blaze. As The
Fourth Book of Peace, it aimed to continue the Three Books of
Peace of Chinese legend whose destruction she explains. At
kingdoms rise and fall, she writes, the new king would
cut out the historians tongues. Writers had to set fire to their
own books, and be burned to death in the book fire. Historians whose
tongue stumps were cauterized lived on. They made dumb gestures that
could not express subtle, complex ideas, such as descriptions of the
way the world has never been but might be.
The next section, Water, revives Whitman Sing, protagonist of Kingstons
novel, Tripmaster Monkey, who now moves to Hawaii to avoid being drafted
to fight his fellow Asians in Vietnam. But even island paradises know
of war. If no man is an island, no island is an island, either; its
connections simply occur underwater. Water ends with the creation of
a community of resistance.
The books finale, Earth, documents the authors creation
of a writing workshop for veterans, where she begins her manuscript
again. With this innovative leap, Kingston liberates herself from the
customary isolation of writing. Not only a writing workshop, this spiritual
community practices Buddhism in the tradition of the Venerable Thich
Nhat Hanh, a pacifist Zen master in exile from Vietnam. Veterans whod
lost their souls in Vietnam now reclaim them through the teachings of
a former enemy. Their stories form a fitting climax to the
book. (Some of their stories even continue beyond the books borders:
John Mulligans memoir Shopping Cart Soldiers is now published,
and Jim Jankos work is due out soon.)
Here we see were all veterans, all touched by war, directly or
indirectly. T5BP shows how war trauma can be healed in a community
by making it conscious (through words), and by becoming conscious of
being conscious (through meditation). And by seeing our common humanity,
in our shared capacity for peace, love, and understanding.
So perhaps, peace too is an art. The book invites and engages the reader
to consider imagining something that hasnt been before (a book
of peace, or peace itself). Or maybe to simply recognize something that
is already here, awaiting us to make it manifest.
Indeed, Kingston closes with a stirring call to action: Children!
Everybody! Heres what to do during war. In a time of destruction,
create something: a poem, a parade, a community, a school, a vow, a
moral principle; one peaceful moment.
Source: In These Times
Revolutionary Zapata reinvented
By Diego Cevallos
Mexico City, Mexico, May 8 (IPS) The film Zapata,
el sueño del héroe (Zapata: The Heros Dream)
premiered in Mexico in the wake of a major advertising campaign and
under harsh criticism for pulling the revolutionary hero out of historic
context and putting him in a landscape of fantasy.
I violated official history, but I dont care because I
produced a very beautiful baby, said director Alfonso Arau in
justifying the abyss between his film and the real history of Emiliano
Zapata.
Controversy trailed Araus project ever since he first laid it
out seven years ago, because it centers on a key figure in Mexican
culture, an icon of the struggle of a range of different political
movements, including the leftist insurgent Zapatista National Liberation
Army (EZLN).
Zapata played a leading role in the agrarian revolution
of the early 20th century. His cry of land and liberty
remains one of the loudest slogans of the marches and protests that
take place in Mexico.
The distribution of land amongst peasant farmers and agrarian reform
were the banners Zapata fought for. His thick moustach and deep gaze
established themselves as major Mexican emblems.
But Zapata, el sueño del héroe presents
a stereotype more than a real person, closer to shamanism and zeroed
in on marital problems more than armed struggle and history, film
critic Marcelo Estrada said.
It is a film made to Hollywood specifications, where they value
indigenous culture dressed up as exotic, with attractive characters
immersed in a fantasy story, Estrada said.
Since March, Mexicans have been bombarded by intense advertising for
the film, including brief previews broadcast repeatedly by TV channels
and shown before features in the cinemas. Enormous posters of Zapata
were unfurled over buildings and walls throughout the capital.
For the premiere, 430 copies of Zapata were distributed,
setting a record for Mexican films.
The audience has the last word, said Arau. I am
not asking them to be benevolent; I just hope they have a positive
and supportive attitude.
And the films producers hope to recuperate the eight million
dollars invested in the project.
Arau has spent part of his directing career in Hollywood, where he
won fame for his film Like Water for Chocolate (1991), but the Zapata
project was shot entirely in Mexico and with local actors, like Alejandro
Fernández, who plays the hero, and female singer Lucero.
It is laudable that the work was done in Mexico, but it would
be absurd to go and close ones eyes, and not say that the film
is hardly believable and not very deep, said critic Estrada.
Arau, known for greater focus on exquisite images than on delving
into content, explained that his film is not a documentary or
a soap opera. It is a classical tragedy, a mystic fable in which everything
is symbolic.
The film is esoteric and spiritual and is from the perspective
of a mythical hero, like the life of Christ, Buddha, or Mohammed,
he said.
In the film, Zapata appears as a figure close to the indigenous gods,
as an honest and incorruptible man who suffers inside for loving two
women.
The historic context in which the plot unfolds is diffuse. It presents
characters who did indeed exist, but in situations and times that
are not in keeping with history.
Arau says that some years ago he had a dream in which Zapata appeared
and asked him to tell the revolutionarys true story, and
not the false cardboard story that has become dogma in
history books.
The film was shot in the state of Morelos, neighbouring the capital,
and where Zapata was born, lived, fought and died in 1919.
The director says that a large portion of the film he also
wrote the screenplay is based on stories he heard from peasant
farmers in Morelos, for whom Zapata is a sort of shaman.
But Mexican historians say the film has little or nothing to do with
the events that occurred in the early 20th century, and should be
taken with a grain of salt.
Zapata, assassinated after leading thousands of peasant farmers in
the revolutionary struggle that culminated in 1917 and claimed a million
lives, is seen as an example to follow by most of Mexicos political
parties, by peasant groups and guerrilla organisations.
General Zapata is alive and guides our struggle, is one
of the slogans of the EZLN, which took up arms in 1994 in the southern
Mexican state of Chiapas.
In what appears to be a response to Araus film, the Mexican
studio Argos was hired by the US-based Telemundo, a Spanish-language
TV network, to produce a miniseries on Zapatas life. Its creators
assure that it will stick to historic fact.
On another front, Canal 11, one of the few cultural television companies
in Mexico, is preparing a documentary on Zapata that does take up
the origins of the myth that surrounds him.
Scientist transformed radio into weapon
against abuses
By Ella Turenne
New York, New York, May 8 (IPS) I have no weapon
other than my journalists profession, my microphone, and my
unshakable faith as a militant for change, said famed Haitian
radio personality and human rights advocate Jean Dominique, who was
assassinated four years ago.
That faith in change would cost Dominique his life, but not his legacy,
asserts The Agronomist, a documentary about the scientist-
turned-journalist, which opened to packed houses in New York theatres
in April.
In a series of intimate interviews with Dominique before his death
and with the activists wife, Michelle Montas, director Jonathan
Demme famous for The Silence of the Lambs paints a picture
of a man driven by his need to give the Haitian people a voice
and the opportunity to decide their own affairs.
Born in 1931 to a well-to-do family in Haitis capital, Port-au-Prince,
Dominique grew up with a father who instilled in him extreme pride
and nationalism. He studied agronomy, the scientific study of agriculture,
in France and practiced his trade for six years after returning to
his homeland.
As time went on, Dominique began to question some practices of the
governing Duvalier regime as he worked to improve the condition of
the land. As a result, he was jailed for six months.
After his stretch in prison, Dominique went looking for other opportunities.
In 1968, while working in radio, the chance came for him to purchase
the countrys oldest station, Radio Haiti Inter, and he seized
it.
Dominique had a vision. He planned to change the face of Haitian radio,
which at that time, still under the Duvalier regime, was used solely
for entertainment. Dominique wanted to introduce Creole to the French-speaking
medium and, most importantly, to provide information about his native
land. This he described as risky business.
Risky it was. Over the course of Dominiques time at Radio Haiti
Inter, the station was shot at on numerous occasions, lives were threatened,
staff arrested, and Dominique and his wife forced into exile on two
occasions. What was extraordinary about the personality, the man,
the human being behind the fight, was the unshakeable, almost fearless,
nature of his belief in the Haitian people.
Dominique told his listeners about struggles for human rights in other
countries, knowing that Haitians would make the connection between
their own plights and those of others around the world. And when Haitians
did take up their own struggle, Dominique was there, broadcasting
it all live and direct.
He survived the regime of Francois Papa Doc Duvalier (1956-71)
and that of the rulers son, Jean-Claude Baby Doc
Duvalier (1971-86). After the latter was overthrown, Dominique returned
to Haiti from his exile in New York and rebuilt Radio Haiti Inter.
Those were optimistic times: when it seemed the rise of Jean-Bertrand
Aristide would finally return some semblance of democracy to Haiti.
But those times did not last. Dominique began to smell danger in the
air before he was killed in April 2000. His murderers have yet to
be brought to justice.
What would drive a man such as Jonathan Demme to make such a film?
As a director of big-budget Hollywood movies like Silence of the Lambs
and Philadelphia he could easily spend his time on mainstream topics.
But Demme says his relationship with Haiti is personal.
Im a filmmaker who loves Haiti, says the director.
The press has been so negative. I need to be making films that
show the positive side.
Demme met Dominique in 1987 while working on Haiti: Dreams of Democracy,
a 1988 documentary on celebrations as the country marked a year of
freedom from the Duvaliers. He became interested in telling the story
of the man who had started his career as an agronomist and became
a human rights activist via radio.
Demme told the audience at the premiere he hopes the new film will
educate people not only about Dominique, but about Haiti and Haitians
struggle as well.
Audience members at the premiere asked what they could do to improve
the situation in Haiti, where a US-led multinational force has patrolled
since Aristide was ousted Feb. 29. Demme said they could express outrage
to their elected officials about Washingtons manipulation of
the Caribbean nation.
Jocelyn McCalla, executive director of the National Coalition for
Haitian Rights (NCHR) was also at the event, a benefit for NCHR and
Radio Haiti Inter.
It is time for Haiti to live in democracy not dream about it,
he said. I hope that people will continue to tune into this
issue.
McCalla feels that when people see the film, they cannot remain
unmoved, and hopes the movie will be a catalyst to rebuild Radio
Haiti Inter, a still much-needed vehicle for communication in Haiti.
Haitian-born hip-hop artist Wyclef Jean was also moved by Dominiques
story and wrote the score for the film. We have to bring some
sort of awareness, start some form of revolution, he told the
audience.
Dominiques wife, Michelle Montas, was also a personality at
Radio Haiti Inter. After an attempt on her life in 2002, she fled
to New York and now works at the United Nations.
Equally as militant, equally as fearless as her husband, her support
of the Haitian people while at Radio Haiti Inter and her courage and
defiance after Dominiques death are a testament to her work.
His assassination became the emblematic case, Montas said.
Recognising that Dominiques death was not an isolated incident,
she has pursued justice in this case, however bleak her chances. Although
no one has been charged for his murder, Montas hopes her campaign
will set an example and show that acts of violence in Haiti cannot
go unnoticed and without consequences.
The film has reached out for people who dont know, for
whom this is all a new story, Montas said. Its a
homage to friend, the story of Haiti, the story of a land, the story
of the links of a man and the land.
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