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A sweeping statement
By Dan Glaister
May 14 Every other Wednesday, I find a man called Miguel
-- accompanied by his father, also called Miguel, and occasionally his
son, another Miguel -- in my garden. Miguel, well, all three Miguels,
are my gardeners. They came with the house, itemized somewhere in the
small print on the rental agreement. Armed with petrol-driven machines
to defeat every possible challenge that a modest Californian garden
could offer, the three Miguels perform what the estate agent charmingly
termed cut and blow (this was just after hed told
me that the dilapidated park down the street was an ethnic park).
Cut and blow involves cutting the grass with a petrol-driven lawnmower,
and blowing away any dead leaves with a petrol-driven leaf blower.
Miguel and Miguel are from Mexico. Miguelito was born in California.
Up and down my street, across the neighborhood, and throughout much
of Los Angeles and the rest of the US, small gangs of Mexicans are busily
cutting, blowing and even shearing and planting, for all I know.
Once a week, my cleaner comes. Shes from El Salvador. She does
the equivalent of a spring clean every week, washes my clothes and would
probably cook my lunch if I asked her to. She moved here 18 months ago
and is working to pay for water mains to be connected to her home in
San Salvador.
When I take my children out to the local park there are two groups of
mothers, huddled in opposite corners of the tiny playground: the Anglos
and the nannies. The nannies are not Anglos. The nannies are exclusively
Hispanic, most of them Mexicans. Some of them probably came from Meet
A Maid, a nanny recruitment center where Anglos can go to assess the
help, and even pick one out of a line if they wish. It sounds like a
brothel.
And on it goes: the mechanic fixing my car, the team of people working
at the car wash, the laborers building the increasingly extravagant
houses in my neighborhood, the man who came to install the TV, the people
serving coffee, washing up dishes, cooking the food in restaurants.
Its a familiar pattern to anyone who has lived here for a while,
but to the newly arrived, the economic and political realities of living
in a state with a large, willing, and economically-deprived workforce
in a neighboring state just a few hours drive away is shocking. Perhaps
it is some hangover of British post-colonial guilt, but living and employing
and being locked in mutual dependence with an underclass feels morally
wrong, especially when that relationship seems to perpetuate the economic
discrimination and ethnic segregation that is so visible in LA.
But you know what they say, especially when youve just turned
up: dont rock the boat, look and learn and see how things work
before leaping to judge, or even to question. These things are so deeply
ingrained in the structures of the society that theyll never go
away.
But what if they did? What would happen here in this desert paradise
if all the help stopped helping? If the Mexicans, the Salvadoreans,
the Guatemalans, the Hondurans simply disappeared, or decided to take
a break from serving the needs of the Anglos?
Mexican film director Sergio Arau has taken the thought as the starting
point for his film Un Día Sin Mexicanos (A Day Without
Mexicans). On May 14, runs the posters tagline,
there will be no Mexicans in California. The tagline for
the Spanish language version of the poster reads: Los gringos
van a llorar (The gringos are going to cry).
The film, based on a short of the same name by the same director, sees
California waking up one day to find a third of its population has disappeared.
Have they been taken by extraterrestrials? asks one expert.
Is it the Apocalypse, and they are the chosen ones? Or perhaps
they have simply tired of not being valued.
The director, making his feature debut, is clear that this is a tragicomedy
with a message: The film is a cry that we want to be visible and
we want to be valued, he told a press conference at the Iberamericano
festival of cinema in Guadalajara, where the film won three prizes.
And, despite the title, the film is not only talking about Mexicans.
The term Mexican is used, the director explained, because to most north
Americans, anyone from south of the border is a Mexican, be they Guatemalan,
Honduran, or Peruvian.
Strangely, the film has received virtually no coverage in the English-language
media. But in the Spanish-language media there is a storm brewing. Weblogs
(for example, see www.blog.com) are busy with Mexicans -- both from
Mexico and further south -- debating the points raised by the premise
of the movie.
Let the Mexicans come home, says Cool, in his posting on one weblog.
The north Americans are clever: theyll find someone else to do
the work. And anyway, theres a shortage of labor in Mexico, and
if these people are so industrious they can do the work and leave people
like me to spend hours every day on the internet.
You dont know what youre talking about, responds Nina. You
think the north Americans want to do this work themselves?
Another posting recounts an effort a few months ago to stage a one-day
strike of Mexicans in California. The writer claims to have taken the
day off work, but most of his acquaintances, threatened with the sack,
went to their jobs. The impact of the day of action was, at best, minimal.
Whatever the merits of the film, Arau, the son of veteran director Alfonso
Arau and a popular star in Mexico before he moved to the US 12 years
ago, has made his point.
My personal experience of moving to the US and not speaking the
language, and thus becoming a minority for the first time at 41 is in
the film 100 percent, Arau told another blog, www.sensoryoverload.typepad.com.
Crossing the border seemed to delete all my past professional
achievements. I experienced discrimination first hand. The minute most
people here heard an accent, a Mexican accent that is, they figured
it was too much work and probably not a good investment of their time
to get to know me. So instead of spending time and money in therapy,
I invested a lot of my time and somebody elses money on filmmaking.
Source: Guardian (UK)
A war beyond borders
By najwa
May 19 (AGR) We are at war. A war that is much bigger
than Iraq or Afghanistan. A war that is beyond any national borders,
because this war in not being waged against governments. We are in a
war that will not end with the capture of an aged and shaggy-bearded
dictator. We are suffering and dying in a war that is being waged against
all humanity, against all the Earth. Welcome to the Fourth World War.
As I sat down to watch Big Noises latest film, a friend stopped
by and asked the name of the movie I was about to watch. Fourth
World War, I replied. She asked if it were fiction. No,
I answered, Its a documentary. As we sit in our homes,
watching our televisions, eating our food, and passing the days along
as we normally do in this country, it is difficult to believe that we
are in the midst of a new world war. But as the film, Fourth World
War, clearly shows, a difficulty in comprehension does not equate
to a lack of reality.
The films producers and its narrators, Michael Franti and Suheir Hammad,
take us on a journey throughout the world to show us the faces of those
that are most directly affected by the war. But rather than focusing
on the disempowering and depressing realities of a war torn world, Big
Noise also takes our hand and helps us to open a window a window
that not only reveals the desperate reality that we face, but also the
encouraging and joyous movements that are working to stop this deadly
war. But as the narrators inform us in the beginning of the film, this
is not a tour. It is not possible to share 500 years of struggle in
the time span of a movie. This is a primer, an introduction to reality.
Although the producers are quick to point out that this is not a recent
war, that, in fact, it started long ago with imperialism, they are bringing
to our attention the war on people and their environment that was started
with the rise of neoliberalism in the mid- to late- twentieth century.
The film starts in Argentina. As Argentina was being touted as a poster
child for neoliberalism and the policies of the IMF, its thin façade
of success was soon to be ripped wide open. By procuring billions of
dollars in external debt from the IMF, Argentina was able to share in
a financial success that rivaled that of the United States of America.
Then, in December of 2001, the economy collapsed. Banks stopped the
majority of people from being able to withdraw their money. In essence,
the middle classs savings had been erased by the government and
the IMF. Needless to say, uproar followed closely behind. On the Dec
19 and 20, millions of people took to the streets of Argentina
bankers, sanitation workers, unemployed, students, whites, indigenous,
mestizos, old, young. In the following week, four governments would
resign from office unable and unwilling to handle the crisis
the nation faced. The people, however, didnt want the government.
Nor, as they would prove, did they need them.
Next, the film goes to Chiapas, Mexico. The struggle of the indigenous
Mayan people of Chiapas became known throughout the world on the day
that NAFTA was signed into effect. Only hours after the agreement was
signed the Zapatistas, a Mayan army, took to the streets in a war against
what they called a death sentence. The Mayan people are
no strangers to struggle against outside forces. For 500 years they
have fought off foreign invaders. To them, they were already dying.
Their struggle on the first of January 1994 was not, as they say, a
struggle for control, it was a way to die with dignity, rather than
to die forgotten. Their struggle, although far from over, has proven
to be a successful and inspiring one for millions of people throughout
the world. The film shows one of the many successes of the Zapatistas,
which was to drive a heavily-armed occupying military base out of a
small indigenous town using nothing but their words first they
shouted, then they sang, then the soldiers cried and abandoned the base
that very afternoon.
The Zapatistas struggle because, in Chiapas, 70 percent of the population
lives in poverty; forty-seven percent live in extreme poverty and starvation.
Everyday, their lands are stolen by the government and then sold or
given to corporations. Their homes are burned. And their people are
killed. But the film goes far beyond the western hemisphere. It takes
us to South Africa, where political apartheid was abolished in 1994,
but where the controlling economic system has stayed the same. The new
democracy in South Africa, the African National Congress
(ANC), signed its first World Bank loan shortly after its rise to power.
With the loan came structural adjustment programs responsible for the
slashing of the most progressive constitution in the world, which guaranteed
a right to water, housing, and electricity. The new loan, and ensuing
structural adjustment, forced eight million people into homelessness
and tens of thousands of people every month have their water and electricity
cut off because the program forced the government to privatize its social
services.
We also find ourselves in South Korea. Where a midnight gathering of
the controlling parliamentary party, with the opposition party absent,
convened on Dec. 26, 1996 and passed a new National Labor Law and National
Security Law to kick off structural adjustment within the country. Later
that day, the KCTU workers union called for an indefinite general
strike, which would become the worlds first mass workers struggle
against corporate globalization.
Footage from Palestine shows us the horrible atrocities that are being
committed against the Palestinian people. On June 19, 2002, 50 Israeli
tanks reoccupied the city of Jenin. The military proceeded to round
up and arrest all men between the ages of fifteen and fifty. But many
more suffered fates worse than arrest. Since Sept. 2001, the Israeli
army has killed one child every three days. Thousands are killed by
gun shots, buried alive while their homes are bulldozed by the Israeli
army, or starve to death after everything they own, including their
crops, are destroyed.
But all is not lost. In the streets of Argentina, the people are organizing
themselves to provide food, jobs, housing, and so much more to their
neighbors. They are creating a new government, one that is horizontal
and sustainable. In Chiapas, the Zapatistas are taking back their land.
They are building schools and planting new crops. They are fighting
neoliberalism. In South Africa, the people are turning on their own
water and electricity. They are fighting against the mass evictions.
They are dancing in the streets. The workers are fighting for their
lives in South Korea. Fifteen million people throughout the world, the
largest global protest in the history of the world, marched against
the US war in Iraq. Thousands of Americans (and I use Americans in the
broad, inclusive sense) gathered in Quebec to protest the FTAA meeting,
which would have expanded the powers of NAFTA with an additional 31
countries in the western hemisphere. In Palestine, children still play.
They find reasons to smile. Neighbors share with one another. Survival
becomes resistance.
George W. Bush said, The entire world is a battlefield.
Fourth World War urges us to ask, where did this war begin? How
can we stop it? Everyone with a shred of humanity will find a tear swell
in their eye as they watch this film. Whether it is from the sadness
that comes from seeing a young Palestinian child killed by the Israeli
military or the joy that comes from seeing a young South African dancing
and singing in the street to stop the mass evictions, you will feel
the tear
if there is any feeling left at all.
The Fourth World War shows at 7 and 9pm May 27 at the Fine Arts Theater.
Tickets ($5-$20) available at the Fine Arts Theater and through Mountain
Eye Media. A portion of the proceeds benefit the Asheville Global Report.
Info: 254-5580.
Empowering women is the way forward
in saving
Africa from AIDS devastation
By Jeremy Laurance
May 17 All interiors are dark in Africa. Small windows
are curtained against the dazzling light. But nothing can dim the
light in Nombulelos eyes. After years of playing the traditional,
obedient South African wife, she has cast off submissiveness and found
her own voice.
I am glad I told my partner I was HIV-positive because now I
am free, she says.
Her partner walked out, leaving Nombulelo to care for four of her
own children plus five of her brothers and four of her sisters.
Both of her siblings died of AIDS.
It is a costly kind of freedom, but now Nombulelo can speak her mind.
The death sentence that is an HIV diagnosis has liberated her to act
as witness against its cause. She is one of a growing band of women
who are defying the stigma attached to the disease and speaking out
against the main driver of the epidemic: men.
The world has put its faith in the arrival of cheap, anti-retroviral
(ARV) drugs to save Africa from devastation. The World Health Organization
has just set out its three by five strategy -- aimed at
delivering the drugs to three million people by 2005 -- in its annual
World Health Report. A tour last week of three African countries --
South Africa, Angola and Zambia -- shows that the drugs are finally
reaching the hospitals and clinics at the front line.
But while drugs are a crucial part of the strategy to tackle AIDS,
they cannot solve the crisis. They may even fuel the epidemic if the
numbers surviving with HIV grow. There is also the risk of drug resistance
emerging if patients do not take them consistently -- a major challenge
in societies where chaos and insecurity are the norm.
If Africa is to be saved it will be by women like Nombulelo. A vivid
red and blue bandana ties her hair, the only splash of color in the
room at the Chris Hani Baragwanath hospital in Soweto, South Africa,
where she works. Standing with one hip thrust forward, chin raised,
she said: I disclosed to my partner and he left us. It was his
girlfriend who gave it to us -- she is dead now. We women have to
bring our partners for testing -- but it is not easy.
She tells her story with dignity and composure. Only once, as she
sets out the school fees she has to find for her monstrously swollen
family do her eyes brim. We have coped, but in the last year
it has been hard, she says, a single tear spilling down her
cheek.
The burden of AIDS falls disproportionately on women. In South Africa,
one in four women are HIV positive by the age of 24, twice the infection
rate in men. Teenage girls have sex with, and are infected by, older
men -- one symptom of the gender inequality that drives the AIDS epidemic.
Men become infected later. Overall, of the 25 million people living
with HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa, 58 percent are women and 42 percent
men.
For men, AIDS is a distant threat. A disease that takes 10 years to
kill hardly ranks against all other perils. But for women it shapes
their lives. They care for the sick, worry about passing on the virus,
and worry about who will care for them when they are gone. In South
Africa, more than half a million children have been orphaned by AIDS
and the number is projected to triple by 2010.
Behavior change is the mantra that is uttered repeatedly in the era
of Aids. But the ABC message -- Abstain, Be faithful or use a Condom
-- is misdirected. It is men who need to change and women the only
people able to make them do so. Men initiate sex, men control it,
and men pay for it with their greater wealth. (In Africa, once people
become wealthy, they become more vulnerable to HIV.) For men, behavior
change is about denial. But for women, it means liberation. Empowering
women through legal, educational, and economic measures is the way
to change men.
Sibu, 20, who lost both her parents to AIDS and now works for Lovelife,
the HIV/AIDS prevention campaign for young people in South Africa
supported by the US charity the Kaiser Family Foundation, said: Girls
are expected to be submissive, not independent. They want a girl who
calls them up and pleads Can you give me 50 bucks for clothes?
Men dont want a girl who is independent, has money, can buy
her own clothes. They run -- whoosh.
Boys, and men, are the hardest to engage in AIDS prevention. In Kwa
Zulu Natal, the fertile coastal strip where fields of sugar cane stretch
to the horizon, the Gamalake clinic supported by Lovelife offers condoms
and treatment for sexually transmitted infections to young people.
But 80 percent of its clients are girls and only 20 percent boys.
Sister Sedaki, who runs the clinic, says: We need strategies
for bringing in the boys. Boys are stubborn. I put this point
to Colonel Joao de Deus, head of AIDS prevention for the Angolan Armed
Forces. Did he accept that without men there would be no AIDS epidemic?
The colonel, a big man with a bull neck, paused. This is a sensitive
social issue. We cannot change it overnight, he then said. Sitting
next to him, Colonel Francisco Ernesto, head of public health, delivered
a smart riposte. Polygamy is common in Muslim countries with
low rates of HIV, so that cannot be the problem.
Reluctance to acknowledge the crucial role that men play in the epidemic
is unsurprising in a country where a mans status is measured
by the number of his female partners. A Portuguese doctor later whispered
to me: If you are a general you have three or four women, each
with an apartment and a car. It is natural. It is expected.
Angolas capital Luanda, formerly a city of 600,000, has seen
its population swell to four million. Its chaotic rubbish-strewn streets,
rutted and pot-holed, are home to a human deluge wandering beside
and among gridlocked traffic. Yet in this former Portuguese colony,
statuesque young women in improbably elegant clothes sashay down the
dusty streets.
Faustina, 23, a pretty translator, said: Men with money -- they
pay the sex workers and the sex workers depend on the men. That is
the problem.
The best hope of changing attitudes is to encourage people to have
HIV testing. Many have preferred not to know their HIV status because
nothing could be done to help them but the arrival of ARV drugs has
given testing a new purpose.
All over southern Africa you hear the same story: where the drugs
are available, people are more ready to be tested. Rolling out the
drugs is crucial to delivering the prevention message. But there are
problems.
At Cajueiros hospital in Luanda, a young doctor who helps run the
HIV clinic shows us into a small, stuffy room where the equipment
for carrying out CD4 cell counts is housed. The air conditioning is
broken and the reagents used in the process congeal in the heat. So
the equipment is useless until the air conditioning can be fixed.
In Zambia, where 23 percent of the urban population is HIV positive,
the main teaching hospital in Lusaka has lost a third of its nursing
staff. Many left for better-paid jobs in Botswana, South Africa ...
and the UK.
There are also problems of compliance with drugs that may have unpleasant
side effects, or no effect at all, and must be taken for life.
In Witbank, 44 miles north of Johannesburg, where slag heaps loom
over the squatters shacks, Anglo Coal has instituted an AIDS treatment
program for its employees. By the end of March, 1,534 miners had started
on ARV drugs. But a fifth dropped out and tests showed a fifth of
those who said they took the drugs were not taking them as prescribed.
Doctors have warned that if the ARVs are not taken as prescribed,
there is a real risk of resistant strains of HIV developing which
could worsen the epidemic.
If drugs cannot solve the problem, women may. Across the continent,
women are driving the campaign against AIDS. But their low status
and economic powerlessness makes them most vulnerable to it. A more
concerted drive is needed to help Africas women. If the help
were focused on women, it would be more likely to be taken up and,
through them, have the greatest chance of impacting men. Women have
the incentive to change, that men lack.
Gloria Kingu, a director of the Zambian Network of Persons Living
with HIV/AIDS, said: The woman is the backbone of the African
household. In marriage, a man becomes a child to a woman and she has
to carry him to the end.
Source: Independent (UK)
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