No. 299, Oct. 7 - 13, 2004

SECCIÓN EN ESPAÑOL

WORLD NEWS



To read an article, click on the headline.

US-backed warlords big threat to Afghan elections

A long wait for justice for victims of violence

September a bloody month for US troops in Iraq

Soaring oil prices line pockets or
force belt tightening in Latin America

How Cheney’s firm routed $132 million to Nigeria

Briton claims he witnessed troops kill Afghan prisoners

Tense truce between coca farmers and army

Spain moves into the vanguard on homosexual rights

Lessons for providing adequate schooling in Africa

 





US-backed warlords big threat to Afghan elections

By Jim Lobe

Washington, DC, Sept. 30 (IPS) — Insufficient security forces and a lack of election observers, combined with regional warlords backed by the United States, continue to threaten the upcoming presidential election in Afghanistan, says a new report by Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Local citizens feel the warlords pose a greater threat to their safety than forces of the former ruling Taliban, which was ousted by US soldiers after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, adds the report by the US-based group.

Remnants of the Taliban, which harbored the al-Qaida terrorists who committed the US attacks, have remained in hiding in Afghanistan’s remote mountainous regions and recently carried out a number of deadly attacks.

The 52-page HRW report, ‘The Rule of the Gun: Human Rights Abuses and Political Repression in the Run-Up to Afghanistan’s Presidential Election,’ says the international community, and countries of NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization) in particular, should vastly increase the number of troops in Afghanistan to ensure security for the elections.

It also complains that there are far too few international observers to monitor polls and give confidence to voters that their ballots will be secret than are needed.

“Amazingly, because of the inadequate forces, current security plans for the presidential election include the use of deputized warlords of factional forces to guard polling stations — the very people Afghans say they’re most afraid of,” the report noted, adding that US officials closely involved with election preparations “appear to be complacent,” believing “democracy is now on the horizon.”

It adds that continuing human rights abuses are fuelling a pervasive atmosphere of repression and fear in many parts of the country, and that voters in many regions do not appear to understand the ballot or have faith in its secrecy, particularly in the face of pressure from militia factions.

“The warlords are still calling the shots,” said Brad Adams, HRW’s Asia director. “Many voters in rural areas say the militias have already told them how to vote, and that they’re afraid of disobeying them. Activists and political organizers who oppose the warlords fear for their lives,” he added in the report.

The document, which was released just nine days before the election, echoes many of the same complaints and concerns voiced by a number of other human rights, development and women’s groups in recent weeks.

The main contenders in the election feature the favorite of the administration of US President George W. Bush, interim Afghan President Hamid Karzai, his former education and information minister, Yonus Qanooni and a dozen less competitive figures. Among them are at least three warlords, such as General Abdul Rashid Dostum, who kicked off his campaign with a giant rally in his hometown Shibarghan, in the northern, predominantly Uzbek, part of the country.

US officials have reportedly tried to persuade Qanooni, an ethnic Tajik from the Panjshir Valley, the stronghold of the Northern Alliance that led the drive to oust the Taliban, to withdraw and join a new unity government under Karzai, a member of Afghanistan’s largest ethnic group, the Pashtuns, who also constitute the ethnic base of the Taliban.

In addition to these efforts, Washington, which has more than 10,000 US troops in the country, is also trying to prevent Taliban forces and its allies from disrupting the election, especially in the Pashtun regions of the south and southeast, where they have carried out deadly attacks aimed at election workers and officials.

While the HRW report agrees the Taliban pose a threat of further violence in the days leading to the election, voters and political organizers interviewed by the group across Afghanistan said armed local factions, many of them supported by Washington and condoned by the Karzai government, pose the most significant threat to a democratic process.

“The reality is that most Afghans involved in politics on the ground are primarily afraid of warlords and their factions, much more than they’re afraid of the Taliban,” said Adams, who, like other rights activists, has been particularly frustrated by the failure of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which is led and manned primarily by soldiers of the European and North American nations of NATO, to extend its presence beyond Kabul into the countryside and other important towns and cities.

“For a long time there has been widespread agreement that elections cannot be successful unless additional international security forces are deployed and warlord militias are disarmed. If Afghanistan is a priority of the international community, where are the troops?” asked Adams.

Intimidation and control by warlords and the Taliban are not the only threats to the election’s legitimacy, according to HRW.

Its staff has confirmed several flaws in the voter-registration process, including multiple registrations. Afghan and UN officials have claimed that some 10.5 million people have registered, including more than four million women, but HRW, echoing a recent report by the International Crisis Group (ICG), has concluded the total is significantly less if the multiple registrations are subtracted.

Factions have used force, intimidation and deception to collect thousands of voting cards from civilians, according to the report, which concluded that tens of thousands of women were induced to register more than once after being told the cards entitled them to certain benefits, such as food rations.

Warlords have also used intimidation and harassment against Afghan journalists and potential candidates for next year’s parliamentary and local elections.

The report applauded Karzai’s recent sidelining of some warlords, most significantly, Ismail Khan, the governor of the western city of Herat. But it called for the president and his government to intensify such efforts and refrain from any deal making that could further entrench warlord rule.

Washington and NATO should increase cooperation with ISAF and expand troops levels to ensure security throughout the country, according to the report, which said the United States in particular should clarify its strategy in Afghanistan to make the protection of human rights its primary goal.

“The current strategy of supporting both the central government and regional and local warlords who resist accountability to Kabul undermines the creation of democratic institutions and the rule of law,” according to the report, which added that Washington must stop supporting abusive faction leaders.

A long wait for justice for victims of violence

By Yensi Rivero

Caracas, Venezuela, Sept. 30 (IPS) — Almost every day this month, 22-year-old Linda López has appeared before the TV cameras and newspaper photographers, showing all of Venezuela her disfigured face, her missing lower lip, the gap where several of her teeth were knocked out.

López was found in a near coma in a Caracas apartment three years ago. She had come to the capital from the countryside, looking for a better life. Instead, she became a tragically eloquent symbol for a troubling statistic: 74.5 percent of Venezuelan women between the ages of 20 and 40 suffer some form of gender-based violence, according to reports from non-governmental organizations.

Today, three years later, Linda is back in the news. She is staging a hunger strike outside the Venezuelan Supreme Court of Justice to demand a speedier trial against the man accused of victimizing her, Luis Carrera Almoina, who is facing charges of rape, torture, kidnapping and attempted murder.

“Linda’s case is emblematic, but there have been many other occasions when battered women have been presented to the public to raise awareness in the fight against violence against women,” IPS was told by Magdalena Valdivieso, director of the Centre for Women’s Studies (CEM) at Central University.

López was found bound and gagged on Aug. 19, 2001 in an apartment owned by Almoina, after being held there against her will for four months. In addition to the bruises, cuts and burns covering her body, she suffered multiple internal injuries after being repeatedly raped and beaten by her aggressor. She has undergone surgery nine times already, and still needs several more operations.

As well as being a particularly extreme example, López’s case is one of the very few that have actually gone to court, according to state agencies and NGOs, because most women do not dare to report the abuse they suffer.

Reports from the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO) estimate that one in every three women in the world is a victim of gender-based violence, while one in four is subject to some form of sexual aggression by her partner, according to Mary Peñuela of the Venezuelan state-run National Women’s Institute (Inamujer).

The World Health Organization (WHO) reports that around the world, gender-based violence results in more death and disability among women aged 15-44 years than cancer, malaria, traffic injuries and war combined. Seventy percent of female murder victims are killed by their husbands or partners.

In 2003, there were 8,520 cases of violence against women reported in Venezuela. Of that total, 42.75 percent were cases of psychological violence, while 37.61 percent corresponded to physical abuse, according to a CEM report. “However, these different forms of violence are often combined,” noted Gioconda Espina, a researcher at the center.

“Sometimes psychological abuse is discovered when women are in therapy for other reasons,” Espina commented to IPS.

Rosmary, a 40-year-old cleaning woman, is a prime example of the way that violence has almost come to be viewed as “normal” in Venezuela.

“My husband would never dare to hit me again,” she told IPS. “One time we were fighting because I hadn’t ironed his pants, and he kicked me. So I turned around and slapped him in the face, but I accidentally hit my little girl too, because he was holding her. But anyway, I’m still with him, because I don’t think it was something worth breaking up over.”

Much more serious incidents have come to light as a result of the publicity given to López’s case. Earlier this month, in a shantytown on the outskirts of Caracas, a man doused his wife with gasoline and set her on fire, causing severe burns to her chest, throat and face. The woman only reported the attack because she felt her life was in danger.

“In the majority of cases we have seen, women only report abuse when they have suffered really serious injuries, or when it has become a matter of saving their lives,” Espina explained.

While violence against women is not limited to domestic violence, in 79 percent of the cases reported in Venezuela, the abuse has been committed by the victim’s husband or partner.

“My husband always kept a sharpened machete close by, and threatened to kill me if I tried to leave him,” reported a middle-aged woman introduced to IPS by Inamujer.

Violence against women is not limited to any one socio-economic class.

“There are victims of violence in all social strata and professions, from doctors and members of the military to women with no education at all. Some of them are from the upper social classes and don’t want to leave their husbands because they don’t want to lose the social status or economic security they get from the marriage,” explained Marisol De La Rosa, a specialist in gender-based violence.

At the same time, however, conditions of extreme poverty can often serve to “trigger” violence, as can alcohol abuse and unemployment. “But the underlying problem is cultural,” De La Rosa told IPS.

As for the men who perpetrate the violence, studies conducted by the CEM reveal that in 74.7 percent of cases they are between the ages of 25 and 55 and have at least a primary school education, although 61 percent have not completed secondary school.

Women’s rights organiations have seen an increase in the number of charges filed against men for domestic violence.

“We don’t know if there has been an increase in domestic violence, but there has definitely been an increase in the number of women who report the abuse. Women are clearly becoming more aware of their rights,” Valdivieso noted.

Unfortunately, even when abused women do press charges, they still face tremendous legal obstacles, something that has been amply illustrated in the case of Linda López.

“Linda’s case has demonstrated the serious shortcomings of the justice system and the laws,” said Valdivieso, who cited the example of “precautionary measures.”

These measures, which are established in the country’s domestic and family violence law, are essentially restraining orders issued by the court to protect victims of abuse.

One year ago, however, the attorney general petitioned to have these measures eliminated, allegedly based on the need “to respect the presumption of innocence and prevent the violation of the right to defense” of the accused.

“We have called on the Supreme Court to urgently adopt a decision that is favorable to women, because without precautionary measures, things will become even worse” for the victims, stressed Valdivieso.

According to De La Rosa, “The one positive thing that has come out of all of this is that all the different organizations are finally joining forces and working together, like in other countries.”

In the meantime, Linda López continues to wait for the courts to bring her alleged attacker to justice, without further delays.

September a bloody month for US troops in Iraq

Compiled by Patrick Byrne

Oct. 6 (AGR) -- September was one of the deadliest months for US troops in the 18-month-old war in Iraq, and the death toll for the first time has risen four straight months. At least 76 US troops were killed this month, reflecting a steady increase in US deaths since the United States transferred sovereignty to the interim Iraqi government headed by Prime Minister Iyad Allawi on June 28, officially ending the occupation. Forty-two US troops were killed in June, 54 in July and 66 in August.

Two powerful car bombs have killed at least 16 people and injured dozens more in Baghdad. In the first blast, a car blew up near the entrance to the heavily fortified Green Zone, close to an Iraqi security forces recruitment post, killing at least 10 people and wounding 70. The second exploded as a US military convoy was passing along a main road on the east side of the Tigris river. At least four people were killed and a dozen wounded.

The most bloody attack in Baghdad was a double bomb attack on a US convoy. “Initial reports is that it was a multiple vehicle-borne improvised explosive device attack in the same vicinity of western Baghdad,” said Col. Jim Hutton of the US 1st Cavalry Division. A policeman at the scene said he had counted at least 33 bodies and said about 50 people were wounded.

In Abu Ghraib, a car bomber drove into a US military checkpoint near the mayor’s office and a police station. A doctor spoke of 60 people injured.

Elsewhere on the outskirts of Baghdad, insurgents fired a rocket Sept. 30 at a logistical support area for coalition forces, killing one soldier and wounding seven.

In the southern city of Basra, a British military convoy came under attack, leaving two soldiers dead. The deaths bring the tally of British soldiers killed in combat in Iraq to 25. At least two Iraqi bystanders were also injured in the attack.

US forces launched a series of strikes in Fallujah this week, killing 15 Iraqis and wounding 25 others in what US military authorities are calling a precision strike targeting a house being used by followers of Jordanian Abu Musab al-Zarqawi to plan attacks against US-led forces. “Significant secondary explosions were observed during the impact indicating a large cache of illegal ordinance was stored in the safe house,” the statement said. Witnesses said two houses were flattened and four others damaged in the strike. At least four Iraqis were killed -- including two women and one child -- and eight wounded. Two more people, a man and his wife, were killed and two injured when a tank opened fire at a house in the city’s southern suburbs. The army has been at pains to discredit consistent reports from doctors and residents that women and children have been killed or wounded in repeated air strikes on Fallujah in recent weeks. “The last bombing targeted a residential area and casualties were all civilians,” said Mahmud al-Jarisi, Fallujah city commissioner.

US ground forces have not entered Fallujah since April. Residents say US tactics have made enemies of people in Fallujah, tracing the town’s animosity toward US forces to April 2003, when US troops shot dead at least 13 unarmed protesters.

“I supported the arrival of the US forces in the hope that we would live in freedom and prosperity,” one Falluja rebel said. “I have never regretted anything in my life as much as I regret welcoming the Americans.” He says he joined the insurgency after US forces detained him without charge for four months in Abu Ghraib.

Meanwhile, fresh strikes have been launched on the Baghdad suburb of Sadr City, a Shiite Muslim-dominated area in the eastern part of the capital. On Oct. 4, up to five people were killed and 46 wounded when US warplanes bombed parts of the suburb.

Elsewhere, US and Iraqi government forces said on Sunday they had secured about 70 percent of the city of Samarra, after a two-day assault in which more than 125 insurgents had been killed and 88 detained. In one of the biggest operations since the invasion of Iraq, 3,000 US troops fought their way into the city, opening the way for 2,000 Iraqi soldiers. The US insisted that the estimated 125 people killed in the storming of the city were all insurgents. Doctors and local people reported women, children and the elderly among the dead. Of the 70 dead brought to Samarra General Hospital since fighting erupted, 23 were children and 18 were women. An Iraqi minister said 37 insurgents had been captured in the assault. One US soldier was killed and four wounded.

Reports say residents of Samarra are too afraid to venture out. Witnesses in the center of the city have spoken of American snipers shooting at anyone who appeared on the streets. With roads to cemeteries blocked off, many are being buried in their front yards. Some residents left Samarra Sunday by floating down the Tigris River, waving white flags from boats.

Iraq’s interim government continued to focus largely on the military success, saying that the offensive that returned Samarra to government control could be repeated in other cities where insurgents have operated with virtual impunity. Iraqi government and US forces declared that they had “pacified” the rebel stronghold of Samarra, and stated that other “no-go” enclaves such as Fallujah would be recaptured before national elections due in January.

But a leading Sunni Muslim religious group blasted the Samarra operation calling it a “massacre” and warned the interim government that its US-influenced strategy will plunge the country into more chaos.

“Who is going to respect elections paved by the blood of Iraqis and built on their skulls?” asked Sheikh Mohammed Bashar al-Faidi, spokesman for the respected Committee of Muslim Scholars.

There also appeared to have been discord over the military action between members of the US-sponsored Iraqi interim government. The Interior Minister, Falah Naqib, echoed the American line that no civilians had been killed and only “bad guys and terrorists” had suffered. Local people in Samarra claimed that many of the insurgents the Americans were targeting had escaped before the attack, and civilians had borne the brunt of the casualties. Of 70 bodies brought into Samarra General Hospital, 23 were children and 18 women, said Abdul-Nasser Hamed Yassin, a hospital administrator.

Governor Hamed Hamud al-Qaissy warned on Sept. 30 that new fighting risked plunging surrounding towns into violence. Qaissy had said that local Iraqi officials were close to brokering a US return to Samarra, while the leader of a Samarra political association was also stunned by the offensive. “We were in talks with Prime Minister Iyad Allawi about the situation in Samarra including reaching an agreement to allow Iraqi forces to enter the city. We were surprised by this military offensive.”

Although US military operations supposedly are coordinated with Iraqi leaders, the US’s increasing reliance on air attacks drew criticism Sept. 28 from the US-backed interim Iraqi president. Drawing a parallel between US tactics in Iraq and Israeli actions in the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, President Ghazi Ajil Yawer said the US strikes were viewed by the Iraqi people as “collective punishment” against towns and neighborhoods.

Sources: Al-Jazeera, Associated Press, BBC, Independent (UK), LA Times, Washington Post

Soaring oil prices line pockets or
force belt tightening in Latin America

By Humberto Márquez

Caracas, Venezuela, Oct. 1 (IPS) — Soaring oil prices, reaching $50 a barrel, are lining the pockets of several countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, forcing others to tighten their belts — and reminding everyone that regional energy integration remains a distant dream.

Venezuela, the world’s fifth largest oil exporter with sales of between two and 2.5 million barrels per day, will take in extra revenues of at least $5.5 billion this year. But in Central America, “the high price of oil is destroying our economies,” Salvadoran President Tony Saca recently complained.

The Venezuelan and Salvadoran situations illustrate the radically different impact of the skyrocketing international price of oil on net energy exporters and importers, an imbalance that Latin America and the Caribbean have few mechanisms to correct.

The present crisis “is an opportunity to revive accords aimed at energy integration, which should start with alliances between the region’s oil companies and a shoring up of the badly weakened Latin American Energy Organization,” Francisco Mieres, with the Central University graduate program of studies on the oil economy, told IPS.

Throughout the region, national budgets, stock market activity, production costs, inflation, consumption, employment and gross domestic product growth have all been affected by oil prices that are twice as high as they were a year ago.

Mexico, the world’s eighth biggest oil producer, which depends on petroleum for one-third of its export revenues, has already been able to transfer $1.2 billion in funds to state governments based on windfall oil profits, since its exports are fetching $40 a barrel. (On the other hand, the cost of Mexico’s imports of natural gas from the United States is also steadily increasing.)

Central American, Caribbean countries rely on trade pacts to offset oil crisis

But worries about the future and the long-term outlook are a luxury that the governments of Central America and the Caribbean cannot afford to entertain, because they are too busy focusing on survival and emergency measures like energy rationing, the closure of offices and factories, fuel price hikes and restrictions on the use of air conditioners and official cars.

Companies in Nicaragua fear a drop in consumption levels, businesses in Honduras are worried about rising costs for the factories in their maquiladora industries — duty-free zones for the assembly of exports, and companies in the Dominican Republic are anxious about a drop in the flow of tourists due to power outages and the higher cost of airline tickets, which have been driven up by the rise in fuel prices.

In Cuba, whose thermoelectric plants run on extra heavy national crude, the government announced scheduled blackouts of up to six hours a day in Havana and other cities, restrictions on running air conditioners, and the temporary closure of 118 factories.

The price of gasoline rose this week in Panama to $2.33 per gallon, as costly as the most expensive gasoline in the United States.

Since 1980, 10 countries of Central America and the Caribbean have benefited from the San Jose Pact, through which Mexico and Venezuela sell them a total of 160,000 barrels per day (bpd) of oil, divided in equal parts. The countries enjoy preferential payment facilities, as well as the possibility of recuperating up to 20 percent of what they spend on oil through the Pact in the form of long-term loans for development projects. Algeria and Libya, two of Venezuela’s partners in OPEC, have similar schemes through which they supply oil to their neighbors in Africa.

Three years ago, Venezuela also created the Caracas Accord to export 80,000 bpd of oil on preferential terms to Caribbean nations, mainly Cuba, which receives 53,000 bpd through that mechanism.

South America: alliance urged to strengthen region’s global position

In South America, the high oil prices have had the heaviest impact on non-oil producing nations like Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay.

The price of gasoline in Chile, which stands at 90 cents a liter, increased three percent over the past week. The retail price of gasoline in Uruguay averages over a dollar a liter; the government is considering yet another hike, which would be the fourth so far this year. And just as Argentina did, Paraguay is seeking to negotiate with Venezuela an agreement to import 20,000 bpd of gasoil, with payment facilities, in exchange for exports to Caracas of 300 tons a month of beef, as well as oil and soybeans.

South America’s giant, Brazil, is riding high, since it produces 1.75 million bpd of oil, which nearly covers domestic demand of 1.85 million bpd. Next year the country should achieve self-sufficiency, if the state-owned oil company Petrobras continues to find new deposits. Argentina, meanwhile, produces two times more hydrocarbons than it consumes.

For the countries of the Andean Community trade bloc — Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela — all of which have major deposits, the high prices present an opportunity for increased revenues as well as a chance to inject new life into oil and gas industry investment projects.

Colombian Energy Minister Luis Mejía urged investors to carry out prospecting work on land as well as in the new concession areas off the country’s coast in the Caribbean Sea, citing an “urgent need to reverse” a problematic situation.

“We are consuming our reserves faster than we can replace them, and we cannot afford to lose our self-sufficiency,” said Mejía. Colombia produces 520,000 bpd and consumes around 300,000. But it would like to extract up to 700,000 bpd to keep up export revenues.

Ecuador, which produces 510,000 bpd, raised its production goal for January to 527,000, and is negotiating projects that would add another 43,000 bpd. The state oil monopoly Petroecuador will take in a total of around $4 billion in oil revenues this year. The price of Ecuadorian crude is close to $30 a barrel, 12 dollars higher than the price on which the budget was planned.

In Peru, transport unions are upset over probable increases in fuel prices, and are demanding that President Alejandro Toledo expedite sales of gas from the Camisea gas fields to bring down the cost of fuel.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez is urging an alliance among South America’s state-run oil companies that would involve agreements on exploration, production, marketing and supplies of oil and natural gas.

On Friday, Venezuela’s oil monopoly PDVSA is opening an office in Buenos Aires to promote the creation of Petrosur, a projected alliance that will be favored by Venezuela’s admission to the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) trade bloc — Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay — as an associate member.

“But with respect to oil strategy, producer countries, starting with the members of OPEC, continue to put a priority on their relations with the consumer nations of the industrialized North and largely ignore the South,” said Mieres.

Elie Habalián, a former Venezuelan representative to OPEC, remarked to IPS that “a country like Venezuela should weave oil alliances with its Latin American neighbors, and reserve a considerable part of output for the markets of Latin America.”

“Any integration project in Latin America aimed at overcoming poverty and advancing development requires energy. And self-sufficiency is perfectly possible for the region,” said Habalián.

How Cheney’s firm routed $132 million to Nigeria

By Solomon Hughes and Jason Nisse

Oct. 3 — A lawyer, based in offices in a run-down part of north London, worked with three British executives from the US construction group Halliburton to pay at least $132 million in “unjustified” fees to contacts in Nigeria.

These payments, many of which occurred when Halliburton was being run by Dick Cheney, now the American Vice-President, helped a consortium including the US group to win a $12 billion contract to build a gas terminal at Bonny Island in Nigeria.

In court documents submitted to a French corruption investigation, Halliburton has admitted it paid $132 million to Jeffrey Tesler, a UK lawyer. Tesler’s firm, Kaye Tesler, is based on a run down high street in Tottenham, north London.

Tesler would not return calls but his French solicitor admits Tesler received the money, which he said was for advisory and other legitimate fees.

The construction of the Nigerian plant was carried out by a consortium called TSKJ, made up of Technip of France, Snamprogetti of Italy, Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg Brown & Root and the Japan Gas Corporation. After an internal investigation, Halliburton submitted notes of meetings to the French judge showing that Tesler was reappointed by the consortium in 1999 at Halliburton’s insistence.

Richard Northmore, a sales manager for MW Kellogg, a Halliburton subsidiary based in Greenford, Middlesex, England signed contracts with Tesler for the consortium, according to testimony seen by The Independent on Sunday. Syed Nasser, MW Kellogg’s legal director, also acted as counsel to the TSKJ consortium, approving Tesler’s role. Bhaskar Patel, a sales and marketing vice-president who works in the Leatherhead office of Kellogg Brown & Root, also worked with Tesler. Northmore and Nasser referred inquiries to Halliburton in the US. Patel, who is understood to be an Africa expert, did not return calls.

A Halliburton spokesman confirmed that staff at Kellogg had been in contact with Tesler. “The members from TSKJ unanimously approved of Tesler,” she said. “The appointment could have been blocked by one of the members refusing to sign the minutes, and clearly this did not happen.”

Evidence given by Halliburton to the French inquiry reveals that between 1996 and the present day, it paid $132.3 million to Tesler, more than half of which came after 1999. A letter from French investigators to the Nigerian authorities, asking for co-operation in the case, says that Tesler’s commissions “appear completely unjustified.”

For its part, Halliburton has fired one senior executive, Jack Stanley, who it said received improper payments from Tesler. Stanley had been appointed to his senior role at Halliburton by Cheney when he was chief executive between 1995 and 2000.

Revelations about the central role of Halliburton in the deal may force the UK’s Export Credit Guarantee Department to withdraw its support from a £133m loan made last year to MW Kellogg. ECGD said it supported the loan on the basis that it was a “subcontractor to the consortium and financial arrangements were not their responsibility,” but it was maintaining a “watching brief” on the French investigation.

Susan Hawley of the Corner House, a development watchdog critical of the ECGD’s attitude to corruption, said: “If the ECGD was serious about stopping corruption, it would by now have demanded a full explanation from MW Kellogg as to its involvement in this case, and conducted an audit of its books.”

Source: Independent (UK)

Briton claims he witnessed troops kill Afghan prisoners

Compiled by John Lapp

Oct 6. (AGR) — A Briton being held at Guantanamo Bay saw US military interrogators kill two detainees at a US base in Afghanistan, he said in a letter, details of which were being released by his lawyers earlier this week.

Moazzam Begg made the claim in an uncensored letter that was released to his legal team by US officials -- something his lawyers have described as an “oddity”.

Begg is one of four Britons being held at the US prison camp at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Prime Minister Tony Blair has personally asked President George W. Bush to free the British detainees.

Begg’s handwritten letter, dated July 12, 2004, described mistreatment he suffered while in detention at the US military base in Bagram, Afghanistan, according to BBC radio, which said it had obtained a copy of the letter.

Although former detainees have alleged that they suffered extensive abuse and torture at Bagram in Afghanistan and Guantánamo, mail from the camp is heavily censored.

It is unclear why the Pentagon has cleared a document, which makes such strong allegations of abuse.

“During several interviews, particularly though not exclusively in Afghanistan, I was subjected to pernicious threats of torture, actual vindictive torture, and death threats amongst other coercively employed interrogation techniques,” Begg wrote.

“The said interviews were conducted in an environment of generated fear resonant with terrifying screams of fellow detainees facing similar methods. In this atmosphere of severe antipathy towards detainees was the compounded use of racially and religiously prejudiced taunts.

“This culminated in my opinion with the deaths of two fellow detainees at the hands of US military personnel, to which I myself was partially witness.”

Begg also wrote that he had been held in solitary confinement since February 2003, and that whenever he had signed any documents during his detention, he had done so under duress. He denied any involvement with al-Qaida or any “synonymous paramilitary organization.”

Begg was arrested by Pakistani agents at his home in Islamabad and handed over to the US, who held him at Bagram in Afghanistan for a year and transferred him to Guantánamo Bay in February last year.

“I am a law-abiding citizen of the UK and attest vehemently to my innocence before God and the law of any crime, though none has ever been alleged,” he said.

The US military is already looking into at least three deaths in US custody in Afghanistan, dating back to December 2002. It has yet to release the results of any of the investigations.

The Pentagon said torture was prohibited at Guantánamo Bay and that all “credible allegations” of abuse were investigated, but would not elaborate on whether it considered Begg’s claims to be “credible.”

It added: “The United States operates a safe, humane and professional detention operation at Guantánamo that is providing valuable information in the war on terror.”

Still, a CIA contractor has been charged in the United States with using a flashlight to beat a prisoner who later died in the eastern town of Islamabad in June 2003.

Interrogations don’t prevent terrorism

Prisoner interrogations at Guantánamo Bay have not prevented a single terrorist attack, according to a senior Pentagon intelligence officer who worked at the heart of the US war on terror.

Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Christino, who retired last June after 20 years in military intelligence, says that President George W. Bush and US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld have “wildly exaggerated” their intelligence value.

Christino’s revelations, to be published this week in Guantánamo: America’s War on Human Rights, by British journalist David Rose, are supported by three further intelligence officials. Christino also disclosed that the “screening” process in Afghanistan, which determined whether detainees were sent to Guantánamo, was “hopelessly flawed from the get-go.”

For six months in the middle of 2003 until his retirement, Christino had regular access to material derived from Guantánamo prisoner interrogations, serving as senior watch officer for the central Pentagon unit known as the Joint Intelligence Task Force-Combating Terrorism (JITF-CT). This made him responsible for every piece of information that went in or out of the unit, including what he describes as “analysis of critical, time-sensitive intelligence.”

Bush, Rumsfeld and Major General Geoffrey Miller, Guantánamo’s former commandant who is now in charge of Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, have repeatedly claimed that Guantánamo interrogations have provided “enormously valuable intelligence,” thanks to a system of punishments, physical and mental abuse and rewards for co-operation, introduced by Miller and approved by Rumsfeld.

Earlier this year, three British released detainees, Asif Iqbal, Shafiq Rasul, and Rhuhel Ahmed, revealed that they had all confessed to meeting bin Laden and Mohamed Atta, leader of the Sept. 11 hijackers, at a camp in Afghanistan in 2000. All had cracked after three months isolated in solitary confinement and interrogation sessions in chains that lasted up to 12 hours daily.

Eventually, MI5, the British Security agency, proved what they had said initially - that none had left the UK that year. The disclosures come on the eve of a House of Lords appeal on the fate of the foreign terrorist suspects held without trial in British prisons.

Sources: AP, BBC, Guardian (UK), IslamOnline.net, The Observer (UK)

Tense truce between coca farmers and army

By Franz Chávez

La Paz, Bolivia, Oct. 1 (IPS) — Coca farmers and their families are calmly but closely keeping an eye on the camps of soldiers sent to destroy their crops in the Isiboro Sécure nature reserve, in the central Bolivian state of Cochabamba.

A violent clash between the two groups on Sept. 27 left one farmer dead and 15 people wounded, including four soldiers.

Coca is the raw material used to make cocaine, although the plant’s leaves have been used by local indigenous communities for centuries for medicinal and other purposes.

Lawmaker Evo Morales, the leader of Bolivia’s coca growers, managed to get the government to agree to postpone the eradication of the coca crops for four days, and to pay compensation to the family of the campesino (peasant farmer) killed in the clashes. Nevertheless, he called for the resignation of Government Minister Saúl Lara.

Campesino leader Fidel Tarqui called the actions of a joint task force that destroyed coca crops on the nature reserve a “provocation.”

Witnesses to the morning’s clash on Sept. 27 told IPS that dozens of campesinos have since remained at a cautious distance from the military encampment, keeping a watch on the movements of the soldiers stationed there.

The coca farmers had also blocked all of the roads leading into the area, making it impossible for fresh supplies of food and ammunition to reach the soldiers.

The agreement reached between Morales and President Carlos Mesa at a meeting on Sept. 29 included the withdrawal of the coca growers from the area, but sources say they have yet to leave, and instead this tense standoff has ensued.

In the meantime, local radio stations reported on Sept. 30 that coca farmers’ representatives have denounced the continued destruction of crops in areas outside the “conflict zone.”

Campesino groups have demanded the withdrawal of the soldiers sent to destroy the crops, and according to Morales, the government “will study the possibility” of meeting their request.

Isiboro Sécure National Park is located 155 miles from the city of Cochabamba, the departmental capital.

Coca farmers moved into the park when their crops in other parts of the region (known as the Chapare) were destroyed by the government over the past few years.

At one time there were 118,000 acres of coca fields in Chapare, but the joint eradication efforts of police and military forces have reduced the growing area to around 20,000 acres, of which 12,000 acres fall within the limits of the Isiboro Sécure reserve.

According to the government, there are a total of 45,000 acres of illegal coca crops in Bolivia. The other 25,000 acres are in the Yungas region of the western department of La Paz.

Bolivian law permits the cultivation of 30,000 acres of coca for traditional purposes. The plant’s leaves are chewed or brewed as tea by the local population, as well as being used in the ceremonies of the Aymara Indians.

Before entering politics, Morales, the leader of the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) party, first rose to prominence as a spokesman for the coca farmers movement. He was elected to the Bolivian Congress in 1997, but was expelled in 2002 by the ruling coalition majority over alleged human rights violations committed during protest demonstrations.

In the general elections held later that same year, however, Morales came close to being elected president, losing in a run-off vote to Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada. His party also managed to win enough seats to become a major force in Congress.

Morales then went on to play a key role in mobilizing opposition to the government’s plans to export natural gas. The massive demonstrations that resulted forced Sánchez de Lozada to resign on Oct. 17, 2003.

He is now the leader of the 34 MAS members of Congress, who have backed various initiatives undertaken by the current president, Mesa.

This has given Morales greater bargaining power to defend the coca growers and keep up opposition to the plans to destroy their crops — a strategy that has strong support from the US.

Shortly after the violent confrontation on Sept. 29, Minister Lara announced that an investigation would be conducted into the death of campesino Choque Cruz. He also said that the government wants to resolve the conflict with coca growers through dialogue.

Through the mediation of Augusto Siles, the representative of the ombudsman’s office in the Chapare region, two military helicopters transported the wounded to medical facilities in Cochabamba.

The secretary general of the Permanent Assembly on Human Rights, Guillermo Vilela, sent a letter to Mesa expressing concern over the recent violence and asking for every effort to be made to restore calm.

He also called for an end to the forced eradication of coca fields, and recommended that a solution be jointly sought by the government and farmers organizations.

If any further acts of violence were to take place, however, Vilela said he would denounce them to international organizations.

For his part, the secretary general of the Bolivian Episcopal Conference, Monseigneur Jesús Juárez, declared, “In a democratic process like the one underway in Bolivia, violence must be banished.”

Spain moves into the vanguard on homosexual rights

By Alicia Fraerman

Madrid, Spain, Oct. 1 (IPS) — Spain will join the ranks of the first countries in the world to grant homosexual couples the same legal rights as heterosexuals if a new bill approved by the Spanish cabinet Oct. 1 is passed by parliament.

The draft law, which apparently has the necessary votes for approval in the legislature, would go into effect in early 2005, granting equal rights to same-sex couples in areas like marriage, adoption, inheritance, work, alimony and social security coverage.

Once it passes into law, the bill approved by the cabinet of socialist Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero will put Spain among the handful of countries and provinces in the world where same-sex marriage is legal, like the Netherlands, Belgium, Canada’s three most populous provinces, and the US state of Massachusetts.

Although the Oct. 1 announcement by Spain’s first Vice-President María Teresa Fernández de la Vega was expected, it triggered an outburst of praise from activists and trade unions, as well as complaints, with the Roman Catholic Church raising the loudest objections.

“This law will grant legal recognition to something that is already a reality,” Enriqueta Chicano Jávega, president of the Federation of Progressive Women, told IPS. She called those who criticize the government’s position “hypocrites,” since homosexual unions exist in practice, as do adoptions by gay and lesbian couples.

Although today children are adopted by only one of the members of a same-sex couple, in reality the child is raised by both parents, she noted.

“The question here is to make our laws reflect every aspect of that reality, which already exists in the couple, and between the couple and the adopted child,” said Fernández de la Vega.

Beatriz Gomera, president of the Association of Gays and Lesbians, said the daughter she has been raising “in absolute normality” and who has carried her last name for the past seven years will also be formally adopted by her partner when the law is passed.

Fernández de la Vega pointed out in a press conference that “there are already thousands of children in Spain with homosexual parents.”

She also said that “more than 50 studies show that children raised by homosexual parents are no different” than those raised by heterosexual couples. “There is no evidence that shows that homosexual fathers or mothers are worse parents or do a worse job raising their children” than heterosexuals.

Polls show that “a majority of people in Spain believe that the well-being of the child, independently of the sexual orientation of the parents, must be the primary concern in adoptions,” she added.

But sources with the Catholic Church told IPS that the secretary and spokesman of Spain’s bishops conference, Juan Antonio Martínez, is preparing a strategy and actions to send out a “clear, specific message” against homosexual marriage.

The Spanish Family Forum (FEF), which links organizations that defend the traditional conception of marriage and family, has already launched a petition drive to collect the 500,000 signatures needed to introduce a popular initiative in parliament aimed at blocking homosexual marriages.

Last week, when members of the governing Socialist Party (PSOE) said the marriage law was on its way to being modified, Spanish Cardinal Julián Herranz, a member of Opus Dei and president of the Vatican Pontifical Council for Legislative Texts, called the new measure “lay fundamentalism” and said it ran counter to the democratic concept of the lay state.

The head of the bishops conference, Cardinal Antonio María Rouco, told journalists Oct. 1 that homosexual marriage “does not reflect true marriage.”

Asked for their views, PSOE leaders referred this journalist to the speech given by Zapatero when he was sworn in as prime minister on Apr. 15.

On that occasion, Zapatero stated that “Homosexuals and transsexuals deserve the same public consideration as heterosexuals and have the right to freely live the lives that they have chosen.

“As a result we will modify the Civil Code to recognize their equal right to marriage with the resulting effects over inheritance, labor rights and social security protection.”

The center-right Popular Party (PP), which governed until April and is now the main opposition force, agrees that civil unions, whether homosexual or heterosexual, should be legalized and regulated, but wants the right to adopt to be specifically left out.

PP spokesman José María Michavila criticized the cabinet’s decision Oct. 1 and accused the government of failing to engage in dialogue.

Until a little over a quarter of a century ago, during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1939-1975), homosexuality was banned by law.

Today, according to a survey carried out in June by the governmental Sociological Research Centre (CIS), 68 percent of respondents believe homosexual couples should have the same rights as heterosexuals.

CIS estimates that four million people in Spain, or around 10 percent of the population, are gays or lesbians.

Most political parties, trade unions and civil society organizations support the new draft law.

The Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), one of the two main trade union federations, immediately came out in favor of the bill on Oct. 1.

UGT secretary of youth and social policies, Marta Robledo, said that putting homosexual couples on an equal legal footing as heterosexual couples will be “a major achievement” in terms of guaranteeing the civil rights of Spaniards.

Lessons for providing adequate schooling in Africa

By Joyce Mulama

Bergen City, Norway, Oct. 1 (IPS) — Various African governments received a stinging rebuke this week for failing to live up to promises to improve children’s education in their countries.

This took place at a conference held Sept. 29 in Bergen City, southern Norway, which brought together 70 education specialists from Africa, Europe, and Asia. Governments, civil society, and donor agencies were represented at the meeting, entitled Quality in Education for All.

The conference was organized by the Center for International Education at Oslo University College, with the help of the Norwegian ministry of foreign affairs and the World Bank.

Kenyan officials were criticized for neglecting education in rural areas, some of which lack even the most basic of facilities.

“The government is very good in providing lip service to its electorate [but] all you have to do is walk in the rural areas and see the situation for yourself. There are schools there with few or no teachers at all,” Penina Mlama, executive director of the Nairobi-based Forum for African Women Educationalists, told IPS.

“How will these pupils learn if there are no teachers?” she asked. Mlama’s remarks come in the wake of media reports decrying the situation at a school in north-eastern Kenya, where two teachers were discovered to be managing about 2,500 pupils.

Government has acknowledged that teachers are concentrated in cities and towns -– but claims that its attempts to deploy them to remote areas have been opposed by certain teachers’ organizations.

“Last year, we started a program where teachers were to be taken to rural areas, but there has been resistance by some teachers. Nevertheless, we are being very tough on this, and we are going to stand firm,” Kilemi Mwiria, Kenya’s assistant minister of education, said in an interview with IPS.

“By the end of this year, the exercise should be complete,” he added. “There is no way pupils can continue suffering just because teachers do not want to work in certain areas.”

Mwiria cited the introduction of free primary education early last year as evidence of his government’s commitment to education. As a result of this initiative, 1.3 million children who were previously denied access to schools have been enrolled.

However, the program has also experienced its fair share of teething problems, such as teacher and classroom shortages. Certain schools have more than a hundred pupils to a class, while others are forced to teach students in morning and afternoon shifts. Some children even find themselves being taught outdoors, irrespective of weather conditions.

Various education observers claim that one of the keys to addressing these problems is providing more incentives for people to join and remain in the teaching profession. However, teachers’ salaries already consume about 80 percent of Kenya’s education budget -– which accounts for 30 percent of the national budget, according to Mwiria.

At first glance, neighboring Tanzania appears to have done a better job in attracting people to the teaching profession. Reports indicate that the government has increased the number of schools in the country from 11,654 in 2000 to 13,689 -– and that 8,000 houses have been built to accommodate teachers under the Primary School Development Plan.

However, certain delegates at the Bergen City conference dismissed these figures as misleading.

“They are…painting a rosy picture which is completely different [on] the ground. It is a fact that there are no schools in the rural and hard-to-reach areas. The education gap between rural and urban areas is so wide,” Titus Tenga, a Tanzanian who is assistant professor at the Center for International Education, told IPS.

Other education initiatives highlighted at the conference included Burkina Faso’s drive to increase enrollment through teaching students in their home languages – rather than French.

While governments claim some success with this program, sub-Saharan Africa continues to have one of the lowest school enrollment rates in the world.

According to the Paris-based Association for the Development of Education in Africa, 35 percent of the 115 million children around the globe who are not in school live in sub-Saharan Africa.

The deficiencies in education policies of African governments come even though many have committed themselves to pursuing the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which include a pledge to have universal primary education in place by 2015.

The eight MDGs were adopted by world leaders in 2000, at the Millennium Summit of the United Nations in New York. The goals provide a framework for tackling poverty and under-development, by dealing with matters such as education, maternal mortality, environmental degradation and hunger.

A good many African governments are also signatories to the Dakar Framework for Action that was adopted at the World Education Forum -– held in the Senegalese capital in April 2000. This document, ‘Education for All: Meeting our Collective Commitments’, also commits world leaders to achieving universal primary education by 2015.

In addition, delegates to the forum pledged to achieve equal enrollment of girls and boys by 2005 -– this in acknowledgement of the fact that girls continue to be discriminated against as far as access to education is concerned.

In part, this stems from the fact that parents may have a traditional view of the position of men and women in society, and see schooling as inessential for girls’ future roles as wives and mothers. The AIDS pandemic has also created a situation where many girls are forced to abandon their schooling in order to take care of ailing parents or orphaned siblings.