Widespread voting irregularities
mar 2004 elections
Compiled by Willy Rosencrans
Nov. 3 (AGR) George W. Bushs victory in the
Nov. 2 presidential election, coupled with GOP gains in the Senate
and the House of Representatives, suggests Republicans may be
building a sustainable majority that could dominate US politics.
Bush claimed a second term as president with, as currently tallied,
the biggest vote total of any president in US history. He amassed
51 percent of the popular vote after three straight presidential
elections in which the winner failed to win a majority. Bushs
Electoral College margin was close but clear at 279-252.
Republicans also tightened their grip on the House and the Senate,
boosting their majorities and seizing more power over the nations
agenda at home and abroad. Their Senate strength also could help
Bush appoint more conservative jurists to the Supreme Court, where
Chief Justice William Rehnquist is suffering from thyroid cancer
and several elderly justices are expected to retire within a few
years.
Bush, his rival Sen. John Kerry, their political parties and allied
groups spent more than $600 million on advertising for this election,
triple the amount spent on TV and radio commercials in 2000.
But the voting process was marked by many of the same irregularities
which resulted in the 2000 presidential election fiasco, in which
the Supreme Court halted a recount in Florida and handed the election
to Bush. The margin of victory in this election was wider, which
apparently obviates the need for a recount, but allegations about
unreliable e-voting machines have cast doubt on that margin.
In addition to e-voting concerns, critics of the elections cite
widespread efforts to disenfranchise eligible voters through intimidation
or misinformation at polling stations and elsewhere; vote challenges
mounted against presumably Democratic voters on voter lists by
Republicans, or by partisan poll watchers stationed inside the
polls; lost or falsified voter registrations; thousands of lost
absentee ballots; and other irregularities.
E-voting problems reported to hotline
Voters across the United States reported problems with electronic
touch-screen systems on Nov. 2 in what critics said could be a
sign that the machines used by one-third of the population were
prone to error.
The Election Incident Reporting System (EIRS), an online database
in which volunteers with the Election Protection Coalition, a
coalition of non-partisan election observers dedicated to preventing
voter disenfranchisement, are recording and tracking voting problems,
began collecting information from 23 call centers and 40 legal
assistance centers around the country. Volunteers noted everything
from malfunctioning electronic voting machines to voter intimidation
and long lines.
Volunteers fielded 50,000 calls in just the first few hours after
polls opened on the East Coast, logging more than 7,400 incidents
before 2pm EST, including about 500 incidents linked to electronic
voting technology; at the end of the day more than 1,100 problems
had been reported with the ATM-like machines, from improperly
tallied choices to frozen screens that left their votes in limbo.
That number represents the fraction of upset voters who knew the
hotline number.
Voters in Maryland said congressional candidates were left off
ballots, while some in Florida told hotline volunteers that their
ballots had already been filled out when they stepped up to vote.
Voters from at least half a dozen states reported that touch-screen
voting machines had incorrectly recorded their choices, including
for president.
Voters discovered the problems when checking the review screen
at the end of the voting process. They found that the machines
indicated that they voted for one candidate when they had voted
for another. When voters tried to correct the problem, the machine
often made the same error several times. While in most cases the
situation was reportedly resolved, many voters remain uneasy about
whether the proper vote was ultimately cast. Meanwhile, voting
experts are concerned that other voters are experiencing the problem,
but failing to notice that the machine is indicating the wrong
choice on the summary screen.
Election observers with the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF)
and Verified Voting Foundation (VVF) reported that the problem,
which some voting officials initially attributed to fluke voter
error, is evidently widespread and may even be relatively
common with touch-screen machines. Incorrectly recorded votes
make up roughly 20 percent of the e-voting problems reported through
EIRS.
Minority voters targeted
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) has compiled a lengthy list of misinformation and intimidation
tactics used to keep black and other minority voters away from
the polls. The report includes other irregularities as well.
For example, the week before the election, flyers were circulated
in Milwaukee under the heading Milwaukee Black Voters League.
The flyer included warnings that anyone who had already voted
this year cannot vote in the presidential election; that anyone
convicted of any offense, however minor, is ineligible to vote;
that any family member having been convicted of anything would
disqualify a voter; and that any violation of these warnings would
result in ten years in prison and a voters children being
taken away.
In Columbia, South Carolina, a fake letter purportedly coming
from the NAACP made similar claims, saying that voters with any
outstanding parking tickets or unpaid child support will be arrested.
The letter also says voters must provide a credit check, two forms
of photo ID, a Social Security card, a registration card and a
handwriting sample.
Other flyers said that voting was being extended due to higher-than-expected
turnout and encouraged voters to show up on Nov. 3.
In New Mexico, officials at several Indian Health Service (IHS)
hospitals and clinics stopped an on-site, nonpartisan voter registration
program, saying that even nonpartisan voter registration was prohibited
on federal property. Clinic staff involved in the registration
complained, noting that the federal government has encouraged
registration on military bases. IHS officials would only say that
employees are expected to follow the Hatch Act, the law restricting
partisan activity by federal workers.
Republican operatives in Pennsylvania working in support of President
Bush failed in a last-minute bid to relocate 63 Philadelphia polling
places, most of which are located in African-American neighborhoods.
The Republicans argued that they had made the request in the interest
of voter comfort and to make polls more accessible
to disabled voters.
Vote challenges detailed
Republicans have long tried to suppress minority turnout because
of their presumed allegiance to Democrats; indeed, Chief Justice
Rehnquist, who was nominated to the Court by Richard Nixon in
1971, participated in challenges of minority voters 40 years ago
when he was a Republican activist in Arizona.
But the party is believed to have mobilized tens of thousands
of attorneys and poll-watchers for that purpose this year, particularly
in so-called battleground states, such as Florida, Wisconsin,
and Ohio.
Over the weekend, the Cleveland Plain Dealer reported that the
Ohio Republican party has already challenged the validity of over
35,000 new voter registrations in the state, while Wisconsin Republicans
announced plans to initiative what it called background
checks on newly registered voters. In addition, reports
have surfaced of Republican plans to mount aggressive challenges
against the credentials of voters in urban areas where
minority voters are predominant.
A secret document obtained from inside Bush campaign headquarters
in Florida suggested a plan possibly in violation of US
law to disrupt voting in the states African-American
voting districts, a BBC Newsnight investigation revealed.
Two e-mails, prepared for the executive director of the Bush campaign
in Florida and the campaigns national research director
in Washington, DC, contain a 15-page so-called caging list.
It lists 1,886 names and addresses of voters in predominantly
black and traditionally Democrat areas of Jacksonville, Florida.
An elections supervisor in Tallahassee, when shown the list, told
Newsnight: The only possible reason why they would keep
such a thing is to challenge voters on election day.
There have been no reports as of yet on vote challenges based
on that list.
Also in Florida, Haitian voters were challenged at the polls by
individuals who allegedly identified themselves as Republican
lawyers who tried to prevent volunteers from assisting Creole-speaking
voters. Republican observers allegedly demanded that volunteers
speak English when assisting Creole-speaking voters. Though the
ballot questions were printed in Creole, some voters are illiterate
and turned to volunteers for assistance.
Voter registration fraud uncovered
Partisan registration drives have swept through battleground states
such as Nevada, Ohio and New Mexico. Hundreds of thousands of
new registrations have poured into county and state offices and
strained the systems in these states.
But as workers closely examined some forms, they found clear cases
of fraud. In some instances, stacks of registrations had the same
handwriting. In others, names were lifted from phone books and
signatures forged. And many of the new registrations were duplicates
of already registered voters.
Financed by political parties, wealthy advocacy groups and grass-roots
organizations, liberal and conservative organizations have spent
hundreds of millions of dollars to register voters. The crush,
along with the irregular registrations, has bred chaos across
the nation.
The Republican National Committee has funded one company at the
center of allegations, Voter Outreach of America Inc., which is
active across the nation. It was set up by Nathan Sproul, former
chairman of the Arizona Republican Party.
Broke and disabled in Las Vegas, Tyrone Mrasek Sr. took a temporary
job late this summer registering voters for the Sproul group.
The job paid about $8 an hour and allowed workers to go home early
with full pay on days they managed to register 18 Republicans.
The employer primarily wanted President Bush supporters, but they
were not easy to find. So Mrasek handed out cigarettes to drunks
and ex-felons at a homeless shelter in exchange for signatures.
Later he found a stack of signed registrations for Democratic
voters in a trash can outside the companys office, he recalled.
Sproul also has run into trouble in Oregon, where Secretary of
State Bradbury opened an investigation this month into allegations
from three Sproul employees that the organization had destroyed
Democratic registrations, a felony.
In Arizona, too, the organization is alleged to have thrown out
the registrations of Democrat voters. Aaron A.J. James,
the groups director, referred to employees accused of throwing
out registrations as independent contractors who were
reimbursed by a number of different groups.
James said there is no incentive to throw registrations out because
you can always find somebody to pay for them. There were
several groups paying for Democrats, he said.
James, in fact, sold some of his non-Republican registrations
to Arizona Leadership Institute, a group working in Arizona that
was paid by USAction Education Fund, which said it registered
more than half a million voters in 19 states this year. According
to a press release, USAction is a nonpartisan effort to register
voters who have been disenfranchised or under-represented
in the past - primarily unmarried women and African-American and
Latino voters.
Juan Camacho, Southern Arizona director of Arizona Leadership
Institute, said USAction paid his group $3.33 per registration.
Some of those, Camacho said, were non-Republican registrations
that he bought from James. A.J. was registering people in
Maricopa County. He turned them in to us, he said.
And no action has been taken in a complex fraud, where more than
4,000 Florida students were allegedly conned into signing a form
which could lead them to be doubly registered and void their votes.
The Florida Law Enforcement Department has told the complainants
that it is too busy to investigate.
60,000 absentee ballots vanish in Florida
The deputy supervisor of elections in Floridas Broward County,
Gisela Salas, said 60,000 absentee ballots, accounting for just
over 5 percent of the electorate in the county, were sent out
between Oct. 7 and Oct. 8 to voters who would not be in town on
election day.
While some had begun to be delivered, her office had been inundated
with calls from anxious voters who still had not received their
ballots.
Its really inexplicable at this point in time and
the matter is under investigation by law enforcement, Salas
told Reuters.
US Postal Service Inspector Del Alvarez, whose federal agency
is independent from the US Postal Service, said it had yet to
be determined if the ballots reached the post office.
Its highly unlikely that 58,000 pieces of mail just
disappeared, he said. Were looking for it, were
trying to find it if in fact it was ever delivered to the postal
service.
Salas said the missing absentee ballot forms did not represent
a major election problem because people had the option of voting
early, before Nov. 2.
Poll workers were able to cross-check, through lap top computers
hooked up to a central database, whether voters had already sent
in absentee ballots. On election day itself, those who requested
absentee ballots were only able to vote in person if they brought
the blank absentee forms with them.
Sources: ACLU, Arizona Daily Star,
Associated Press, BBC, Common Dreams, The Guardian (UK), Knight-Ridder,
LA Times, NAACP, The Observer (UK), OneWorld.net, Reuters, St.
Petersburg Times
25,000 working as slave laborers in Brazil
By Cahal Milmo
Nov. 1
The knock on the door Valdemir Maria de Jesus had been hoping
for came at 3am. The early hour was strange but after three and
a half months of clearing rainforest, the salary owed to him and
his friend Antonio was finally to be paid. It was a moment for
celebration.
Like thousands of Brazilian laborers working in the Amazon, the
meager $1,500 the two men had earned from their back-breaking
efforts in the frontier state of Para would provide them with
the means to start new lives, enough to build a new house, marry
or support their families.
But when Valdemir went to the door, it was not a wad of banknotes
but a gun that his boss, Maciel, was brandishing. I opened
the door and he shot me, said Valdemir, a slight man in
his twenties who still has the bullets lodged in him. When
the first hit me, I fell down and pretended to be dead. He shot
me a second time. Then he went over and shot my friend. After
he finished with him, he came back and kicked me several times
in the head to check if I was dead. After he left, people found
me and they somehow got me to hospital.
Valdemir is now in hiding at his fathers home, hundreds
of miles of away in another province, awaiting surgery to remove
the bullets.
Antonio was not so fortunate. The wife and children he left behind
to seek his fortune in Para probably do not even know he is dead.
His identity card was stolen by his murderer and nobody else knows
his surname.
Perhaps the most shocking element is that, far from being an isolated
incidence of greed and inhumanity, it is part of the dark secret
that lurks in Brazils rural heartlands. Valdemir, whose
real name has been withheld to protect him from reprisals, and
Antonio were among 25,000 men working as slave laborers, forced
to destroy thousands of acres of virgin rainforest or work in
Dickensian conditions to work off debts that can never be paid.
The figure of 25,000 an estimate accepted by the Brazilian
government has been reached by analyzing satellite footage
of the Amazon to calculate the rate of clearance. By working out
the number of fresh acres of rainforest cleared and the amount
of workers necessary to destroy that area, an insight is obtained
into the human and environmental cost of Brazils slavery.
The laborers, illiterate and deeply impoverished, are recruited
from Brazils north-eastern provinces with offers of well-paid
jobs to clear the land and tend crops and livestock or work in
charcoal plants. Although a few of the offers turn out to be genuine,
the harsh reality is that they will find themselves on remote
farms, watched by armed guards and under the power of landowners,
some of whom will kill rather than pay the most vulnerable.
Valdemir, from an isolated village in north-eastern Brazil, was
among eight laborers recruited by Maciel, a gato or cat, meaning
a gangmaster.
Valdemir said the reason for the shooting was plain. I am
sure Maciel wanted to kill us so he did not have to pay us. We
were not from there. Nobody would have known it was him. Everybody
would think a thief came for the money.
The Brazilian government insists that, despite recognizing the
scale of the slavery problem, murder and bloodshed remain rare
in labor camps. Campaigners disagree. They point to figures which
show that in south Para, 534 rural workers were recorded as killed
in the 30 years to 2001, some 26 times the national murder rate.
Xavier Plassat, of the Pastoral Land Commission, the charity campaigning
to end the slavery and which brought the attack on Valdemir and
Antonio to light, said, Cases such as this are just the
ones we hear about. For each murder or incidence of violence,
many more go unrecorded, uninvestigated or unnoticed. These are
people who have no choice other than to believe in the false promises
made to them. They come from places where survival is a daily
struggle to work to destroy the Amazon or as slaves in the richer
south.
Historians put down Brazils modern bonded labor to its unhappy
past and rigid social structures. In 1888, the country was the
last in the Americas to abolish slavery, and a lack of land reform
means that despite one of the richest agricultural outputs in
the world, from cattle to coffee, few of Brazils 30 million
rural poor own smallholdings or farms.
The result for the 25,000 peáo is a life of profound destitution.
After being recruited from their homes, the laborers travel by
bus or truck for up to a week to reach their destination, more
often than not a remote farm or plantation at the end of a mud
road.
After they arrive, they are told they have a debt to pay for their
travel expenses, food, tools and other provisions, including toothbrushes.
The working day lasts from dawn till dusk, cutting through swaths
of rainforest to make way for cattle and crops, mostly soya and
maize, or stoking vast charcoal-makers for steel production.
Accommodation consists of hovels and shelters scraped together
from plastic sheeting and timber. One group of workers said they
had to eat their food from canisters that had been used to hold
pesticide.
Angelika Berndt, a worker for the London-based Anti-Slavery International,
who returned last month from Brazil, said: Each worker is
kept indebted until the job is done. Then, when it is finished,
they are either sent away without pay and told their debt is paid
or they are handed on to the next landowner. It is a vicious circle.
To complete the degradation, each peáo becomes nameless,
a working machine stripped of individuality. Instead of being
referred to by their names, they are referred to by their state
of origin, such as Maranhao or Piaui. If there are several workers
from the same state, they are simply numbers, Piaui 1, Piaui 2
and so on. A large part of the reason that Antonios family
have not been informed of his murder is that he was known to his
colleagues only as Maranhao 2. Berndt said, The men have
no value to their captors other than as workers. They are treated
worse than livestock. At the least the landowners care if their
animals are hurt or injured.
But this humanitarian scandal has not gone unnoticed by Brazils
government, and President Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva,
the trade unionist and former shoe-shine boy who was elected on
an anti-poverty ticket in 2002. In an unpublished report this
year, the Geneva-based International Labor Organization (ILO)
praised the government for its efforts to tackle slavery. But
the report, an in-depth survey of Brazils slave-labor market,
has remained secret amid claims that it shows the US is benefiting
from the work of slave laborers by importing crude pig-iron produced
in rainforests for use in US mills.
The Brazilian authorities say they are dedicating significant
resources to the problem, spending $5.5 million last year from
an austerity budget.
Shortly after taking office, Lula announced an ambitious campaign,
a national plan for the eradication of slave labor, by setting
up armed inspection teams to swoop on farms holding slaves, arrest
their captors and liberate the workers. To date, this task force
has set free some 8,000 peáo, paying each a sum in compensation
and offering training and education to establish them in legitimate
work.
Tough new legislation has also been promised which will allow
the authorities to confiscate the land of those who are found
to have used bonded labor. Last week, it was announced that nearly
10,000 hectares (38sq miles) of land in Para province, enough
to provide farms for 250 families, had been seized in the latest
task force operations.
It is, the Brazilians say, evidence of a long-term determination
to rid themselves of a source of shame. A London-based Brazilian
diplomat said: This is a campaign that is being conducted
on many levels and we are making some progress. But for it to
work we not only have to free these workers but educate and change
our society so this conduct is no longer accepted by anyone.
Local politicians and judges in states such as Para are said to
be among the landowners perpetuating the system.
Raids on suspected gangmasters were halted in January this year
when three members of a Swat-style inspection team were ambushed
and murdered on a dirt road in Minas Gerais, another northern
state. The killings were attributed to vigilante gangs employed
by rogue landlords to scare their workers and repel unwanted interest.
The anti-slavery groups say the new confiscation law has become
bogged down in the Brazilian legislative process after the ruralists,
the political bloc based in the provincial heartlands, refused
to accept the wording. Plassat said: This is an issue to
be addressed by the government. Even if it is passed, this new
law will not solve the problem. It is symbolic because it will
not be backed by the money or the resources to cause the landowners
to fear. What we are engaged in here is a process that will take
many years. It is about changing a culture.
Source: Independent
(UK)
Over 100,000 Iraqis killed in Operation Iraqi Freedom
Compiled by Patrick Byrne
Nov. 2 (AGR) -- The first scientific study of the human
cost of the Iraq war suggests that at least 100,000 Iraqis have
been killed since their country was invaded in March 2003, more
than half of them women and children killed in precision
air strikes. The figures would mean 150 civilians have died each
day since the conflict began. The research was carried out by
the Center for International Emergency Disaster and Refugee Studies,
Johns Hopkins School of Public Health and Columbia University,
and published in the British medical journal, the Lancet. The
new figures are based on surveys done by the researchers in Iraq
in September 2004. They compared Iraqi deaths during 14.6 months
before the invasion in March 2003 and the 17.8 months after it
by conducting household surveys in randomly selected neighborhoods.
The study concluded that the risk of death for Iraqis was two-and-a-half
times higher after coalition forces entered the country. Previous
estimates based on think tank and media sources put the Iraqi
civilian death toll at up to 16,053 and military fatalities as
high as 6,370. Despite the claim of the former head of US Central
Command General Tommy Franks, that We dont do body
counts, the US military does collect casualty figures in
Iraq. But since 1991, when Colin Powell was head of the joint
chiefs of staff, the figures have been classified to avoid the
kind of controversy of Vietnam.
A limited post-war nutritional assessment carried out by UNICEF
in Baghdad found that acute malnutrition has nearly doubled to
what it was before the war. That assessment also found that seven
out of ten children suffered from various degrees of diarrhea.
Hundreds of thousands of tons of raw sewage are still being pumped
into the Tigris and Euphrates rivers every day. Because water
cleaning chemicals have been looted or destroyed, the quality
of water in homes is extremely poor. The survey also shows that
since March 2003, over 700 primary schools have been damaged by
bombing, more than 200 burned and over 3,000 looted.
Talks are still taking place over whether to begin an imminent
asault on Fallujah between Iyad Allawis interim government
and a delegation from the besieged city, with the governments
main condition that the militant leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi be
handed over. Residents of Fallujah deny any knowlege of Zarqawi
and say the demand is deliberately impossible to meet. Iraqs
President Ghazi Yawer, a Sunni with a largely symbolic role in
the government, has meanwhile spoken out against the governments
plans.
Since the US opened their cordon for departing families, more
than 70 per cent of the population of 300,000 have left, leaving
behind a city the Mujaheddin shura has declared a free Islamic
emirate.
The US has 2,500 troops around Fallujah. In the battle to take
Samarra last month, 3,000 US and 2,000 Iraqi government forces
were needed to fight 500 insurgents. Fallujah is estimated to
contain between 2,000 and 2,500 militants. US military commanders
believe that a force of 10,000 is necessary to take and hold the
city. In the mean time, daily air strikes continue to number in
the dozens.
Prime Minister Allawi and several other top officials have accused
the US military of gross negligence in the training
and supplying of new Iraqi security forces. Officials complain
that in their rush to get recruits, allowing the Bush administration
to say how the security forces are being boosted, US officials
are making little or no background checks. Allawi blamed this
practice for instances like last weeks execution of 49 new
Iraqi soldiers. The heavily-assaulted Iraqi police force, meanwhile,
is operating with as little as one firearm for every five officers.
New US intelligence assessments show that the insurgents have
significantly more fighters -- 8,000 to 12,000 hard-core militants
-- and far greater financial resources than previously estimated.
Intelligence reports indicate that new gangs specializing in hostage-taking
have been entering Iraq recently. Since the start of the holy
month of Ramadan two weeks ago, violence has increased by 30 percent.
Iraqi police officers and National Guardsmen fired wildly at civilians
on a road south of Baghdad after insurgents attacked a US convoy
on Saturday Oct. 30. The Iraqi forces shot and threw grenades
at three minibuses and three vans, killing 20 people and injuring
10 others. Police also broke into the Osama bin Zayd mosque in
the same area and detained its cleric and two guards.
Eight marines were killed and nine others wounded west of Baghdad
when a suicide car bomb rammed into their convoy on Oct. 30, resulting
in the deadliest day for the US forces since May.
A rocket attack missed a US army base and hit a hotel in the northern
Iraqi city of Tikrit on Oct. 31, killing 15 Iraqis and wounding
others.
Fierce battles broke out in the rebel stronghold of Ramadi between
US troops and Iraqi resistance fighters on Monday, Nov. 1, killing
three civilians, an Iraqi journalist, and one US marine. On the
previous two days, seven people, including women and children,
were killed and 11 wounded in clashes. Residents said US artillery
had shelled eastern districts and said there had been air strikes.
A video released by the militant group, Ansar al-Sunnah, showed
eleven recently captured Iraqi soldiers being killed. Another
video released featured an abducted Polish woman begging for her
life, while the body of a kidnapped Japanese traveller was found
beheaded in Baghdad.
The deputy governor of Baghdad, Hatim Kamil, was killed Nov. 1
when gunmen opened fire on his car in the southern Doura neighborhood.
Two of his bodyguards were wounded in the attack. In the town
of Baquba, north-east of Baghdad, unknown gunmen killed retired
lieutenant-colonel Athir al-Khazraji.
Meanwhile, amid FBI investigations of no-bid reconstruction contracts
awarded to Haliburton, the Bush administration intends to seek
about $70 billion in emergency funding for the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan early next year, pushing total war costs close to
$225 billion since the invasion of Iraq.
Sources: Al-jazeera, AP, BBC, Independent(UK),
New York Times, and Reuters
Violence continues in Haiti
Compiled by Americas.org
Nov. 1 According to residents of the Fort National
neighborhood in Port-au-Prince, in the afternoon of Oct. 26
people dressed as Haitian police agents killed at least 13 people
in a courtyard between several buildings. Heavily armed
police made a raid here and killed everybody. There was no resistance
and nobody had a gun, a resident named Jacqueline told
Reuters. It was massacre. I heard the victims crying,
No, no! Another resident, Arnoud Jean-Louis,
said the police agents shouted: Everybody on the ground!
and one ordered: Kill them. The police put the bodies
in a vehicle and left. Relatives found the bodies of at least
nine victims in the morgue of the State University of Haiti
Hospital (HUEH).
The massacre follows a month of clashes in Port-au-Prince between
supporters of deposed president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the
forces of the US-backed interim government that replaced him
on Feb. 29. The police have been carrying out sweeps in poor
neighborhoods with strong support for Aristide, especially Bel-Air,
which is near the National Palace. Bel-Air residents had called
for a three-day strike starting on Oct. 26 to protest the raids,
although observers said the strike was not effective. Fort National
residents also tend to support Aristide, but they said that
until Oct. 27 they had been not been affected by the violence.
On Oct. 28 Haitian National Police (PNH) spokesperson Jessie
Cameau Coicou announced at a press conference that the police
had not had an operation in Fort National on October 26 and
that the massacre must have been carried out by armed individuals
in police uniforms. Fort National residents insisted that the
people responsible for the murders arrived in four police pickup
trucks accompanied by an ambulance. According to the British
weekly The Observer, an unnamed police spokesperson admitted
that there had been a raid in Fort National; eight gang leaders
were killed, the spokesperson said.
Interim Prime Minister Gérard Latortue blamed the Fort
National killings on Aristide supporters trying to destabilize
Haiti. These black uniforms, you can buy them anywhere,
he told reporters. This is part of the orchestrated campaign
by people close to Aristide. On Oct. 26, the day of the
massacre, Latortue was at a business conference in West Palm
Beach, Florida, where he discussed public-private partnerships
for Haiti, including the establishment of toll roads and what
the Miami Herald called revitalizing the Aristide stronghold
slum of Bel-Air into an area with shops, apartments and businesses.
On Oct. 28, two days after the Fort National massacre, four
young men were executed at a busy intersection in Bel-Air by
men witnesses identified as police agents. Six police
cars came up here with about 15 officers, said Jean Yves,
one of the witnesses. They took the men out of the cars,
put them on the ground, and shot them in the head. The
executions brought to at least 79 the number killed in the month
of violence in Port-au-Prince.
The police are also responsible for the murder of a nine-year
old boy in an earlier incident in the La Saline neighborhood,
according to the New York-based leftist weekly Haïti Progrès.
Residents say a pickup truck with heavily armed masked police
agents arrived on the afternoon of October 19 at Rue St. Joseph,
near the Tèt Bèf market, and began spraying a
crowd with bullets. One victim was Emmanuel (Manno)
Marcéus, who was sitting next to his mother, a candy
vendor. The first bullet hit him in the foot [as he fled],
and he fell, a witness said. The police then shot him
in the chest and thigh. They riddled him with bullets.
Mannos body lay in the street until after nightfall, when
his terrified family picked it up under the cover of darkness.
Citing the violence and allegations of political persecution
of Aristide supporters, Guyanese foreign minister Rudy Insanally
said on October 29 that leaders of the 15-member Caribbean Community
(Caricom) should think twice about re-establishing ties with
Haiti. Those ties were frozen shortly after Aristides
ouster. Caribbean leaders will have to go back to the
drawing board when they meet in Trinidad in November,
Insanally said. Even some countries that had voted to reintegrate
Haiti into the 15-member bloc are now concerned about
the security situation . . . and the inability
of the [interim government] to control what is happening.
On Oct. 28 Guatemalan president Oscar Berger presided over a
ceremony as a contingent of 70 soldiers, including 12 officers,
23 specialists and 35 military police, left to join the United
Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The
work you are going to carry out in Haiti will give Guatemala
a good name, Im sure thats how it will be,
Berger told the soldiers. This was Guatemalas second military
mission to Haiti; the first was in 1995 as part of a US-led
United Nations mission that had restored Aristide to power in
1994, following a 1991 military coup.
Sources: AFP, Agence Haïtienne
de Presse, AP, El Nuevo Herald, New York Times, Observer (UK),
Reuters
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